IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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Photographic 

Sciences 
Corporation 


23  MST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14b80 

(716)872-4503 


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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
copy  which  may  be  bibliographicaliy  unique, 
which  may  alter  any  of  the  images  in  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


L'Institut  a  microfilm^  le  meilleur  exempiaire 
qu'il  lui  a  6t6  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cat  exempiaire  qui  sont  peut-dtre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  raproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  mdthode  normale  de  filmage 
sont  indiqu6s  ci-dessous. 


D 
D 
D 

r^  Cover  title  missing/ 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couieur 

Covers  damaged/ 
Couverture  endommag^e 

Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaurde  et/ou  pellicul6e 


D 
D 


D 


Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 

Coloured  maps/ 

Cartes  gdographiques  en  couieur 


□    Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couieur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 

I      I    Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 


D 


Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couieur 

Bound  with  other  material/ 
Reli6  avec  d'autres  documents 

Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  re  liure  serrde  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distortion  le  long  de  la  marge  intirieure 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  paut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajout6es 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  le  texte, 
mais,  lorsque  ceia  6tait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  titd  film^es. 

Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  suppl^mentaires: 


D 
D 
D 

D 
D 

n 

D 
D 


Coloured  pages/ 
Pages  de  couieur 

Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommagdes 

Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Pages  restaur^es  et/ou  pelliculdes 

Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
Pages  d^colordes,  tachetdes  ou  piqudes 

Pages  detached/ 
Pages  d6tach6es 

Showthrough/ 
Transparence 

Quality  of  print  varies/ 
Quality  in^gale  de  I'impression 

Includes  supplementary  material/ 
Comprend  du  materiel  suppl^mentaire 

Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Edition  disponible 

Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  ref limed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  6t6  filmtes  d  nouveau  de  fa9on  d 
obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  film6  au  taux  de  reduction  indiquA  ci-dessous. 

10X  14X  18X  22X 


26X 


30X 


I 


12X 


'S6X 


20X 


24X 


28X 


32X 


^' 


The  copy  filmed  here  has  been  reproduced  thanks 
to  the  generosity  of: 

Library  of  Congress 
Photoduplication  Service 


L'exemplaire  filmd  fut  reproduit  grdce  d  la 
g6n6rosit6  de: 

Library  of  Congress 
Photoduplication  Service 


ier 

le 


The  images  appearing  here  are  the  best  quality 
possible  considering  the  conciSition  and  legibility 
of  the  original  copy  and  in  keeping  with  the 
filming  contract  specifications. 


Les  images  suivantes  ont  6t6  reproduites  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  et 
de  la  nettet<&  de  l'exemplaire  film6,  et  en 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 


Original  copies  in  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, or  the  back  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


Les  exemplaires  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprimde  sont  film6s  en  commenpant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  salon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exemplaires 
originaux  sont  film6s  en  commenpant  par  la 
premiere  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shail  contain  the  symbol  ^^>  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 


Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
dernidre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbols  — ►  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbols  V  signifie  "FIN". 


Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  In  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  dtre 
film6s  d  des  taux  de  reduction  diff6rents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  dtre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clich6,  il  est  film6  d  partir 
de  Tangle  sup6rieur  gauche,  de  gauche  d  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  n6cessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mdthode. 


ire. 


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1 

2 

3 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

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LETTERS 

F  R  O  M    A 

JE^A    R,  ME   R 

^^-r     I    N      C=:^V_^^ 

P-E  N  N  ST  LFA  N  iZi, 

T  O    T  H  E     ; 

*  '  - 

INHABITANTS 

O  F    T  H  E 

British  Colonies. 


V 


.;.-My»fC»;, 


iSS7 


% 


V 


"<'«VifWt>^*»*' 


P  H  I  LAD  E  L  P'HIA: 

Printed  by  David  Hall,    and  William  Sellers. 
MDCCL  XVIII. 


<\',' 


f' 


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■"^^aPfe"'*** 


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•.  : 


•■fi'WB.P'nHILH^^I 


r 1  MiftlCij'.'" 


t    3    ] 


LETTERS 


IT. 

i-'i 


F    R    O    M      A 

y     P  A  R   M  E   R, 

LETTER 


&C. 


I. 


Mj  dtar  Countrymbk, 


IA  M  a  Farmer,  fettled,  aftei-  a  variety  of  fortunes,  hear  th* 
banks  of  the  river  Dela-ware,  in  the  province  of  Ptnn- 
fyhania.  I  received,  a  liberal  education,  and  have  been' en- 
gaged in  the  bufy  fccnes  of  life;  but  am  now  convinced, 
that  a  man  may  be  as  happy  without  buftlci  as  with  it.  My 
farm  is  fmall ;  my  fervants  are  few,  and  good ;  I  have  a  little 
money  at  intereft ;  I  wifli  for  no  more ;  my  emjjloyment  in  my 
own  affairs  is  eafy;  and  with  a  contented  grateful  mind,  nndi- 
fturbed  by  worldly  hopes  or  fears,  relating  to  myfelf,  I  am  com- 
pleatmg  the  number  of  days  allotted  to  me  by  divine  goodnefs. 

Being  generally  matter  of  my  time^  I  fpend  a  good  deal  of  it  in 
a  library,  which  I  think  the  moft  valuable  part  of  my  fmall  eftate; 
and  being  acquainted  with  two  or  three  gentlemen  of  abilities  and 
learning,  who  honor  me  with  their  friendfliip,  I  have  acquired,  I 
believe,  a  greater  knowledge  m  hiftory,  and  the  laws  and  conftitu- 
tion  of  my  country,  than  is  generally  attained  by  men  of  my  clafs, 
many  of  them  not  being  fo  fortunate  as  I  have  been  in  the  oppor- 
tunities of  getting  infonnation. 

From  my  infancy  I  was  taught  to  love  humanity  and  liberty. 
Enquiry  and  experience  have  fince  confirmed  my  reverence  for  the 
leffons  then  given  me,  by  convincing  me  more  fully  of  their  truth 
and  exccllenc<!.  Benevolence  towards  mankind,  excites  wiflies  for 
tijeir  welfare,  and  fuch  wifhes  endear  the  means  of  fulfilling  them 
The/e  can  be  found  in  liberty  only,  and  therefore  her  facred  caufe 
ou^ttobe  efpoufed  by  every  man,  on  every  occafion,  totheut- 
moft  of  his  power.  As  a  charitable,  jut  poor  pcrfon  ddes  not 
withhold  his  mite^  bccaufe  lie  cannot  relieve  «//tlie  diftreffes  of  the 


A   2 


B: 


miferable 


^■^r 


'*!   ^fl^-'-'  -j-'^'-^fci. 


H  .iingi.  wn'iw  III 


IWW I     ■  ■    »    ini»»ii« 


'  11 


t    ♦    1 

miferable,  fo  Ihould  Hot  any  honeft  man  fupprefs  his  fentimcnts 
concerning  freedom,  however  fmall  their  influence  i«  likely  to  be. 
Perhaps  he  "  may  touch  fomc  wheel,  •  "  that  will  haue  an  effeit 
greater  than  he  could  rcafonably  expeft. 

These  being  my  fentimcnts,  I  am  encouraged  to  offer  to  you, 
my  countrymen,  my  thoughts  on  fome  late  tranfaftions,  that  ap- 
pear to  m»j  to  be  of  the  utmpft  importance  to,  you.     Confcious  of 
ray  own  defefts,  I  have  waited  fome  time,  in  expeftation  of  feeing 
the  fubjeft  treated  by  perfons  much  better  qualified  for  the  taOt  j 
but  being  therein  difappointed,  and  apprehenfive  that  longer  de- 
lays will  be  injurious,  I  ventwre  at  length  to  requcft  the  attention 
of  the  public,  praying,  that  thefe  lines  may  be  reaii  with  the  fame 
zeal  for  the  happinefi  of  Brit  fjh  ji>4kica,  with  which  they  wen-wrote. 
With  a  good  deal  of  furprize  I  have  obfcrved,  that  little  no- 
tice has  been  taken  of  an  aft  of  parliament,  as  injurious  in  its 
frinciple  to  the  liberties  of  thefe  colonies,  as  the  Stamp-JSl  was ; 
mean  the  aft  for  fufpending  the  legiflatlon  of  Nc-w-Terk. 
'       The  aflembly  of  that  government  complied  with  a  former  aft 
of  parliament,    requiring  certain  provifions  to  be  ijiade  for  the 
troops  in  America,  in  every  particular,  I  think,  except  the  articles 
of  fait,  pepper  and  vinegar.     In  my  opinion  tliey  afted  impru- 
dently, confiderinff  all  circumftances,  in  not  complying  fo  far  «» 
would  have  given  fatisfaftion,  as  feveral, colonies  did:  But  my  dif- 
,     like  of  their  conduft  in  that  inftance,  has  not  blinded  me  fo  much, 
that  I  cannot  plainly  perceive,  that  they  have  been  puniftied  in  a 
manner  pernicious  to  American  freedom,  and  juftly  alarming  to  all 
the  colonies.  • 

If  the  Britijh  parliament  has  a  legal  authority  to  iffue  an  order, 
that  we  fliall  furnilh  a  finglo  article  for  tlie  troops  here,  and  to 
compel  obedience  to  tfmt  order,  they  have  the  fame  right  to  iffue 
an  order  for  us  to  fupply  thofe  troops  with  arms,  doaths,  and 
every  neceffary  ;  and  to  compel  obedience  to  that  order  alfo ;  in 
]hort,  to  lay  any  burthens  they  pleafe  upon  us.  What  is  this  but 
•  taxing  us  at  a  certain  fum,  and  leaving  to  us  only  the  manner  of 
jaifingit?  How  is  this  mode  more  tolerable  than  the  5/a«/-^^/' 
Would  that  aft  have  appeared  more  pleafing  to  Americans,  if  being 
ordered  thereby  to  raife  the  fum  total  of  the  taxes,  the  mighty  pri- 
vilege had  been  left  to  them,  of  faying  how  much  (hould  be  paid 
for  an  inftrument  of  writing  on  paper,  and  how  much  for  another 
on  parchment?  •     v        -r 

An  aft  of  parliament,  commanding  us  to  do  a  certain  thing,  if 
it  has  any  validity,  is  a  tax  upon  us  for  the  expence  that  accrues 
in  complying  with  it ;  and  for  this  reafon,  I  believe,  every  colony 
-  on  the  continent,  that  chofe  to  give  a  mark  of  their  refpeft  for 
Gre^t-Britain,  in  complying  with  the  aft  relating  to  the  troops, 

cautiottfly 


«  Popx. 


?:iHv>  ■ 


t    5    ] 


intiments 

:ly  to  be. 

an  effect 

T  to  you, 
that  ap- 
ifcious  of 
of  feeing 
the  taflc ; 
onger  de- 
attention 
L  the  fame 
ere  wrote. 
little  no- 
)us  in  its 
-J^i  was ; 

brmer  aft 
le  for  the 
he  articles 
:ed  impra- 
g  fo  far  at 
ut  my  dif- 
e  fo  much, 
nifhed  in  a 
ning  to  all 

:  an  order, 
;re,  and  to 
rht  to  iflue 
oaths,  and 
er  alfo ;  in 
is  this  but 
mantur  of 
tMnp-Aa  f 
if  being 
lighty  pri- 
ild  be  paid 
or  another 

n  thing,  if 
lat  accrues 
ery  colony 
refpe£l  for 
the  troops, 
cautioufl/ 


c^  ttioufly  avoided  the  mention  of  that  aft,  led  their  conduft  Ihould 
be  attributed  to  its  fuppofed  obligation. 

I'h  e  matter  being  thus  flated,  the  aflembly  of  New-Tork  either 
had,  or  had  not,  a  right  to  refufe  fubmiflion  to  that  aft.  If  they 
had,  and  I  imagine  no  American  will  fay  they  had  not,  then  the 
parliament  had  ho  right  to  compel  them  to  execute  it.  If  they  had  , 
not  this  right,  they  had  no  right  to  punilh  them  for  not  executing  i 
it ;  and  therefore  no  right  to  fufpend  their  legillation,  which  is  a  • 
punidiment.  In  faft,  if  *the  people  of  Ntw-fori  cannot  be  legal- 
ly taxed  but  by  their  own  reprefcntatives,  they  cannot  be  legally 
deprived  of  the  privilege  of  legiilation,  only  for  infilling  on  that 
excluftve  privilege  of  taxation.  If  they  may  be  legally  deprived 
in  fuch  a  caie,  of  the  privilege  of  legiilation,  why  may  they  not, 
with  equal  reafon,  be  deprived  of  every  other  privilege  ?  Or  why 
may  not  every  colony  be  treated  in  the  fame  manner,  when  any  of 
them  fliall  dare  to  deny  their  aflent  to  any  impofitious,  that  (hall 
be  direfted  i  Or  what  fignifies  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp- Aa,  if  thefe 
colonies  are  to  lofe  their  other  privileges,  by  not  tamely  furrender- 
ing  that  of  taxation  ? 

There  is  one  confideration  arifing  from  this  fufpcnfion,  which 
is  not  generally  attended  to,  but  Ihews  its  importance  very  clearly. 
It  was  not  neceffary  that  this  fufpenfipn  Ihould  be  caufed  by  an  aft 
of  parliament.     The  crown  might  have  reftrained  the  governor  of 
Nn\j-rork,  even  from  calling  the  afleitibly  together,  by  its  prero- 
gative in  the  royal  governments.     This  Hep,  I  fuppofe,  would 
have  been  taken,  if  the  conduft  of  the  aflembly  of  New-Tork  had 
been  regarded  as  an  aft  of  difobedience  to  the  creivn  alone ;  but  it 
is  regarded  as  an  aft  of  f  "  difobedience  to  the  authority  of  the  i 
British    legislature. "     This  gives  the  fufpenfion    a  confe- ' 
quence  vaftly  more  affefting.     It  is  a  parlimentary  affertion  of  tJie 
J'upreme  authority  of  the  Britijh  legiflature  over  thefe  colonies,  in  the 
Jioint  of  taxation,  and  is  intended  to  compel  NewTorIk  into  a  fub- 
miflion  to  that  authority.     It  feems  therefore  to  me  as  much  a  vi- 
olation of  the  liberties  of  the  people  of  that  province,  and  confe- 
quently  of  all  thefe  colonies,  as  if  the  parliament  had  fent  a  num- 
ber of  regiments  to  be  quartered  upon  them  till  they  fliould  comply. 
For  it  is  evident,  that  the  fufpenfion  is  meant  as  a  compulfion ;  and 
the  method  of  compelling  is  totally  indifferent.     It  is  indeed  pro- 
bable,   that  the   fight  of  xiA  coats,   and  the  hearing  of  drums, 
would  have  been  mo.1  alarming ;  becaufe  people  are  generally  more 
influenced  by  their  eyes  and  ears,  than  by  their  reafon.     But  who- 
ever ferioufly  confiders  the  matter,  mull  perceive  that  a  dreadful 
flroke  is  aimed  at  the  liberty  of  thefe  colonies.     I  fay,  of  thefe 
colonies ;  for  the  caufe  of  one  is  the  caufe  of  all.     If  the  parlia- ' 
ment  may  lawfully  deprive  Ne^v-Tork  of  any  of  her  rights,  it  may 
deprive  any,  or  all  the  other  colonies  of  their  rights ;  and  nothmg 

can 
f  See  the  aA  of  fufpenrion. 


-mr 


[     6    ] 

can  poflibly  to  much  encourage  fuch  attempts,  as  a  mutual  inatten- 
tion  to  the  interefts  of  each  other.  To  dividt,  and  thus  to  dejiroy, 
is  the  fir'^  political  maxim  in  attacking  thofe,  who  are  powerful  by 
their  u  .ion.  He  certainly  is  not  a  wife  man,  who  folds  his  arms, 
and  repofcs  himfcif  at  home,  viewing,  with  unconcern,  the  flames 
that  have  invaded  his  neighLour's  houfc,  without  ufing  any  endea- 
vours to  e.xtinguifli  them.  When  Mr.  Hampden'i  (hip  money  caufe, 
for  Three  Shillings  and  Four-pence,  was  tried,  all  the  people  of  England, 
with  anxious  txpettation,  interefted  themfelves  in  the  important 
decifion  ;  and  when  the  flighteft  point,  touching  the  freedom  of 
«M  colony,  is  agitated,  I  earneftly  wifh,  that  a// .'/v  »v/ may,  with 
equal  atxlor,  fupport  their  fifter.  Very  much  may  b^  faid  on  this 
fubjeft  ;  but  I  hope,  more  at  prefent  is  unneceflary. 

With  concern  I  have  obferved,  that  tnve  afl"emblies  of  this  pro- 
vince have  fat  and  adjourned,  without  taking  any  notice  of  this 
aft.  It  may  perhaps  be  aflced,  what  would  have  been  proper  for 
them  to  do  ?  I  am  by  no  means  fond  of  inflammatory  meafurcs ;  I 
deleft  them.  I  fliould  be  forry  that  any  thing  Ihould  be  done, 
which  might  juftly  difpleafe  our  fovereign,  or  our  mother  country: 
But  a  firm,  modell  exertion  of  a  free  fpirit,  fliould  never  be  want- 
ing on  public  occafions.  It  appears  to  me,  that  it  would  have 
been  fufficicnt  for  the  aflembly,  to  have  ordered  our  agents  to  re- 
prefent  to  the  King's  minifters,  their  fenfe  of  the  fufpending  aft, 
and  to  pray  for  its  repeal.  Thus  we  ftiould  have  borne  our  tefti- 
mony  againft  it ;  and  might  therefore  reafonably  expeft  that,  on 
a  like  occafion,  we  might  receive  the  fame  afliftance  from  the  other 

colonies. 

Concordia  res  parvte  cre/cunti 

Small  things  grow  great  by  concord. 


•  The  d»y  of  King  Wiin  am  the  Third's  laading 


A    FARMER. 


LET- 


o- 


•wm 


llpilnfflliir 


11 


lal  inatten- 

to  dtftroy, 

lowerful  by 

s  his  arms, 

the  flames 

any  endea- 

oney  caufe, 

oi  England, 

important 

freedom  of 

may,  with 

Paid  on  this 

)f  this  pro- 
tice  of  this 
proper  for 
teafurcs ;  I 
1  be  done, 
er  country : 
s;r  be  wnt- 
vould  have 
gents  to  re- 
ending  a£l, 
le  our  tefti- 
&.  that,  on 
m  the  other 


M  E  R. 


L  E  T- 


J  7    ] 
LETTER 


II. 


My  dtar  Countrymen, 

TRERE  is  another  late  aft  ot  parliament,  which  appears  | 
to  me  to  be  unconftitutional,  and  as  deftruftive  to  the  li- 
berty  of  thefc  colonies,  as  that  mentioned  in  my  laft  let-  i 
ter ;  that  is,  the  aft  for  granting  the  duties  on  paper,  glafs,  l^c      * 
rHB  parliament  unqueftionably  poffefles  a  legal  authority  to  »•*,  \ 
gulate  the  trade  of  Great-Britflin,  and  all  her  coJonV-      ijuch  an  ' 
authority  is  eflential  to  the  relation  between  a  mother  ..  ,ntry  and 
her  colonies ;  and  neceffary  for  the  common  good  of  .11.     He 
who  confiders  thefe  provinces  as  ftates  diftinft  from  th  :  Lritijh  Em- 
/««,  has  very  flender  notions  ofju/lice,  or  of  tJ     r  inter.. 9s.     We 
are  but  parts  of  a  wWrj   and  therefore  there    ,.jft  cxift  a  po^ver 
fomewhere,  to  prefide,  and  prcferve  the  connexion  in  uue  order.  1 
'■    '■■  power  IS  lodged  in  the  parliament ;  and  we  are  as  •'  urh  de-  ' 
Mothe"!  *"*  ^''■""-^"■'-'*'    ^  •*  P^rfetlly  free  pf  ^ie  can  be  on 

^JuTa  ^^'^  """^  '^'P!^'^"^'  "laring  to  ti^k  color^r.,  from 
t  A  J  '^"!«="*=r*  ."I  ^h"  »™« ;  and  f  find  every  one  of  them 
tounded  on  this  principle,  till,  the  5/««,.^<ffadminiftration*.    J/l 

it/ore^ 

n^L^lV^'  '■""''•«!«' "f.'he  reader,  recitals  from  the  former  aA.  of  p.rlia- 
Ta,    he  i  n'«"  '^••'^  1°'?"'"  "Vi'^'^'     »'  'O^P^iDg  thefe  with  the  mX^ 

»„  .  J  ?  "•  *^5L'P-  '^'  *'"'''  '«""•  'he  foundation  of  the  law.  relatin. 
rlTtoT',  •»' '"?^'»R  ">"  «""«  prodaftion,  of  the  colonie.  fto«  d  b  a"? 
W  :?  f '*^i!"^""'^  '"''  "■"  "°  8°'"'»  "■»"  be  imported  from  the  pUnut'oni 

rnn-^,m  "I"'"' r*"""".  ""d"  Ae  good  providence  and  proteftion  of 
fer„td,"'|*""S^'^"-''  ""•  '*""»"'  »f  thi.  kingdom  i,  fo' mufh  con- 

The  15th  Cla.  II,  Chap.  7,  enforcing  the  fame  regulation,  afliins  theff  ».' 
fon.  for  tt.     «  to  regard  hi.  Majefty's  plantation.,  beyond  the  ^r.    are  inha 
bited   and  peopled  by  hi.  rubje^.  of  ihi.  hi,  k  ngdL  of  ^S/  Vr  /^ 
nr'afiZf;  ^T  "'"ff":''""  <""^  kindn,SU,mLtl»m,  and teepi'ng^them 
in  a  firmer  dependence  upon  it,  and  rendering  them  yet  mo  e  beneficia   and  .T 

;cr,ent"oTiS'4'*'^r'*''"T'"T-'  "'"""i'  '/En  nSX;^^ji 

•S^J'J         •     "^^  ""J";"'  ""*  """^  manufafture.  and  com  modi  tics. %«!  ' 
dn,ni  tht  ninntation  to  and  fr,m  the  Jum,  m,r,  (af,  and  cbup.  and  makini  Tht 

commodities  of  other  countrie.  and  pUce.ftr  the  fupphing  of  /aJm  •  ani  ;»  kV 

vt::l  s^r^T' '"  ""p;'"'  p4tatio»:*tKfe,:e". .  '^'"^  • 

/!<.« /«</,,'  which  impofe.  duties  on  certain  commoditie.  ixw^hiJT^.\ 
c-^ony  to  another,  mention,  this  caufe  for  i-npofingthem  •  <«  Wher«?^ 
.«,  parted  in  the  ,«h  year  of  your  Majeft>Tre"g„.  indt'uled    An  S  f«, 

that 


i' 


!| 


|i 


[   s   ] 

before,  are  calculated  to  regulate  trade,  and  preferve  or  promote  a 
mutually  beneficial  intercourfe  between  the  feveral  coniHtuent  parts 
of  the  empire ;  and  though  many  of  them  impofed  duties  on  trade, 
yet  thofe  duties  were  always  impofed  luith  defign  to  reftrain  the 
commerce  of  one  part,  that  was  injurious  to  another,  and  thus  to 

promote 

that  time,  it  it  permitted  to  (hip,  (Sc.  fugan,  tobacco,  &c,  of  the  growth,  &c, 
of  any  of  your  Majefly's  plantations  in  America,  &c.  from  the  places  of  their 
growth,  Sc.  to  any  other  of  your  Majriiy's  plantations  in  thofe  partt,  ^c, 
and  that  without  paying  cufiom  fur  lie  fame,  either  at  the  lading  or  unlading  the 
faid  commodities,  by  means  whereof  the  trade  and  navigation  in  thofe  commo- 
dities, from  one  plantation  to  another,  is  greatly  increafed,  and  the  inhabitantt 
of  divers  of  thofe  colonies,  not  contenting  tbemfilvet  loitb  teing  fypplied  with  titfi 
eommoditiet  for  their  own  ufe,  fret  from  all  cufiomi  (while  the  fubjeAs  uf  this  y«ur 
kingdom  of  England  have  paid  great  cuftoms  and  impofitions  for  what  of  them, 
hath  been  fpent  here)  tut,  contrary  to  the  exprejt  liner  of  the  aforefaid  lawi,  have 
brought  into  divers  partt  e/'Europe  great  quantities  thereof,  and  do  alfo  vend  great 
quantities  thereof  to  the  (hipping  of  other  nation?,  who  bring  them  into  divert 
parts  of  Europe,  to  the  great  hurt  and  diminution  of  your  Majefty't  cuftoms, 
and  of  the  trade  and  navigation  of  this  your  kingdom  ;  For  the  pak.viMTtON 

THERIOr,  &c. 

The  7th  and  8th  H^ilt.  III.  Chap,  zi,  intituled,  "  An  aft  for  preventing 
frauds,  and  regulating  abufes  in  the  plintatiun  trade,"  recites  that,  "  notwith- 
ftanding  divers  aAs,  Site,  great  abufes  are  daily  committed,  to  tin  prejudict  of  the 
£nglilh  navigation,  and  the  loft  of  a  great  part  of  the  plantaiiom  trade  to  this  king- 
dom, by  the  drri/fee  and  cufiH/ii;  uf  ill  difpofed  perfons;  For  remedy  where- 
of, &c.  And  whereas  in  fome  of  his  Majefty's  American  plantations,  a  d«ubt 
or  mifconftruAion  has  arifen  upon  the  before  mentioned  a£t,  made  in  the  25th  . 
year  of  the  reign  of  King  Cbarlei  II.  whereby  certain  duties  are  laid  upon  the 
commodities  therein  enumerated  (which  by  law  may  be  tranfported  from  one 
plantation  to  another,  for  the  fupply  of  each  others  wants)  as  if  the  fame  were, 
by  the  payment  of  thofe  duties  in  one  plantation,  difcharged  from  giving  the 
fecurities  inlenoV.!  i>/  the  aforefaid  afts,  made  in  the  12th,  22d  and  tjd  years 
of  the  reign  of  King  Charles  II.  and  confequently  be  at  liberty  to  go  to  any 
fortign  market  in  Europe,"  &c. 

The  6th  Anne,  Chap.  17,  reciting  the  advancement  of  trade,  and  encourage- 
ment of  (hips  of  war,  &r.  grants  to  the  captors  the  property  of  all  priies  car- 
ried into  ^nerica,  fubjefl  to  fuch  culioms  and  duties,  as  if  the  famtjiad  been 
firft  imported  into  any  part  of  Great-Britain,  and  from  thence  cxpordK  ^C' 

This  was  a  gift  to  perfons  afling  under  eommifpons  frtm  tn  cnwn,  and  there> 
fore  it  was  realonahle  that  the  terms  prefcribrd  in  that  gift,  ftould  be  complied 
with— more  efpecially  as  the  payment  of  fuch  duties  was  intended  to  give  a 
preference  to  the  produftions  of  Britijh  colonies,  over  thofe  of  other  colonies. 
However,  being  found  inconvenient  to  the  colonies,  about  four  years  afterwards, 
this  aft  was,  for  that  reaf»n,  (o  far  repealed,  that  by  another  aft  "  all  prize 
goods,  imported  into  any  part  of  Great- Britain,  from  any  of  the  plantations, 
were  made  liable  to  fuch  duties  only  in  Great-Britain,  as  in  cafe  they  had  been 
of  the  growth  and  produce  of  the  plantations." 

The  6th  Get.  II.  Chap.  13,  which  impofet  duties  on  foreign  rum,  fugar  and 
melafTes,  imported  into  the  colonies,  ihews  the  reafoni  thus——"  Whereas  the 
welfare  and  profperity  of  your  Majefty'a  fugar  colonies  in  America,  are  of  the 
greateft  confequence  and  importance  to  the  trade,  navigation  and  firength  of  this 
klngdon;;  and  whereas  the  planters  of  the  ,faid  fugar  colonies,  have  of  late 
ytJinfallin  into  fuch  great  difcouragements,  that  they  are  unable  to  improve  or 
carry  on  iHe  fugar  trade,  upon  an  equal  fotting  with  the  foreign  fugar  colonies, 
■without  feme  advantage  and  relief  he  given  to  tbim  frem  Ontt-Bt'u»ia  :  For  re- 
medy 


■ma 


aiii".'i.-i;i-]"  'ugiiii'.--^ 


e  or  promote  a 
)nftituent  parts 
uties  on  trade, 
to  reftrain  the 
•r,  and  thus  to 
promote 

F  the  growth,  &c. 
e  pUces  of  their 

thofe  parti,  <^t. 
ig  or  unlading  the 
1  in  thofe  commo- 
id  the  inhabitant! 

fitpf  lied  with  thefi 
ije£l8  of  thi»  yut 
for  what  of  them, 
'ortfa'id  laws,  have 

do  alfo  vend  great 
g  them  into  diver! 
vlajefty'i  cuftoms, 

1C  FRi.VIHTION 

ift  for  preventing 

that,  "  notwith- 

I  $lie  prijudici  of  the 

trade  to  thii  king- 

:£MCDY   WHIRI- 

antations,  a  d«ubt 

made  <n  the  a5th  . 

are  laid  upon  the 

ifported  from  one 

)/  the  fame  were, 

d  frow  giving  the 

xzd  and  tjd  years 

lerty  to  go  to  any 

de,  and  encourage- 
y  of  all  priiet  car- 
he  fanuLhad  beejt 

e  exporoK  ^^ • 
crvwn,  and  there- 
(hould  be  complied 
intended  to  give  a 
of  other  colonic!. 
It  yean  afterwards, 
icr  aA  "  all  prize 
of  the  plantations, 
cafe  they  had  been 

Ign  rum,  fugar  and 

. "  Whereas  the 

limeriea,  are  of  the 
ind  firengii  of  thii 
oniei,  have  of  late 
tbie  to  impro»e_  or 
eign  fugar  colonies, 
Britain:  Foa   »i- 

MED.V 


[    9    ]i 

promote  the  general  welfare.  The  railing  a  revenue  thereby  was 
never  intended.  Thus  the  King,  by  his  judgrs  in  his  courts  of 
juftice,  impofes  fines,  which  all  together  amount  to  a  very  confi* 
derable  Turn,  and  contribute  to  the  fupport  of  .government :  But 
this  is  merely  a  confequence  ariling  from  reftriAions,  that  only 
meant  to  keep  peace,  and  prevent  confufion ;  and  furely  a  man 
would  argue  very  loofely,  who  fhould  conclude  from  hence,  that 
the  King  has  a  right  to  levy  money  in  general  upon  his  fubjeAs. 
Never  did  the  Britijh  parliament,  till  the  period  above  mentioned,  ; 
think  of  impofing  duties  in  America,  for  the  rtjrpose  of 
RAISING  A  REVENUE.  Mr.  Greenville  firft  introduced  this  lan- 
guage, in  the  preamble  to  the'4th  of  G;c.  III.  Chap.  15,  which  has. 
fliefe  words — "  And  whereas  it  isjuft  and  neceffary  that  a  reve- 
■  nue  be  raised  in  vour  Majesty's  said  dominions  tnAme- 
Rica,  /or  defraying  the  expenees  of  defending,  proteiling,  and  fecuring 
the  fame :  We  your  Majeljty's  moft  dutiful  and  loyal  liibjefts,  tmb 
commons  of  Great-Britain,  in  parliament  aflembledi  being 
defirous  to  make  fome  provifion  in  this  prefent  feffior\  of  parliamenti 
towards  raising  the  said  revenue  in  America,  have  re- 
folved  to  give  and  grant  unto  yourMajefty  the  feveral  rates  and-' 
duties  herein  after  mentioned,"  isc. 

A  FEW  months  after  came  the  Stamp- Ail,  which  reciting  this, 
proceeds  in  the  fame  ftrange  mode  of  expreffion,  thus- — "  And 
whereas  it  is  jult  and  neceffary,  that  provifion  be  made  for  rai- 
sing A  FURTHER  R£VENUE  WITHIN  YOUR  MaJESTY's  DOMI- 
NIONS IN  America,  toivards  defraying  the  faid  expenees,  we  your 
Majefty's  moft  dutiful  and  loyal  fubjefts,  the  commons  of 
(jreat-Britain,  iiff.  GIVE  and  GRANT,"  i^c.  as  before. 

The  laft  aft,  granting  duties  upon  paper,  \3c.  carefully  purfues 
thefe  modern  precedents.  The  preamble  is,  *'  Whereas  it  is  ex- 
pedient THAT  A   REVENUE   SHOULD   BE  RAISED  IN  YOUR  MaJE- 

sty's  dominions  IN  America,  _/or  making  a  more  certain  and 
tidtquate  prowfion  for  defraying  the  tharge  of  the  adminijlratitn  of 
juftice,  and  the  fupport  of  ciwl  government  in  fuch  provinces,  where 
it  Jhall  he  found  neceJJ'ary  ;  and  towards  the  further  defraying  the 
expenees  of  defending,  protecting  and  fecuring  the  find  dominions,  we 
your  Majttfty's  moll  dutiful  and  loyal  fubjefts  the  commons  of 
GREAT-BRiTAtN,  &^.  GIVE  and  GRANT,"  ISt,  as  bcforc. 

Here  we  may  obferve  an  authority  exprejly  claimed  and  exerted 
to  impofe  duties  on:  thsle  colonies  ;  not  for  the  regulation  of  trade ; 

B  not 

MiBT  WHtaror,.  ANn  roii  t»x  eooB  and  wclpaki   of   your   Ma- 

JlSTV's    IVBJSCTS,"   &C, 

The  29th  (.'».  11.  Chap.  16,  and  the  ift  Gea,  III.  Chap.  9,  which  continue 
the  6th  Git.  .'(I.  Chap.  13,  declare,  that  the  faid  aft  hath,  by  experience,  been 
found  ufefulasii  beneficial,  &c.  Thefe  are  all  the  moft  confiderablc  flatmcs  re- 
lating to  the  commeice  of  the  colonics ;  and  it  is  thought  to  be  utterly  unne- 
ccflary  to  add  any  obfervations  to  thefe  cxtrafts,  to  prove  that  they  were  all 
intended  Joleh  at  regulation t  0/  Iradt, 


[     >o     1 

not  for  the  prefervation  or  promotion  of  a  mutually  beneficial  in- 
tercourfe  between  the  feveral  conftituent  parts  of  the  empire,  here- 
tofore they«/e  object  of  parliamentary  inilitutions ;  iut  for  the 
fiitgle  purpoje  of  levjiing  money  upon  us. 

This  I  call  an  *  innovation  ;  and  a  moil  dangerous  innovation. 
It  may  perhaps  be  objefled,  that  Great-Britain  has  a  right  to  lay 
what  duties  Ihe  pleafes  upon  her  f  exports,  and  it  makes  no  dif- 
ference to  us,  whether  they  are  paid  here  or  there. 

To  this  I  anfwer.  Thefe  colonies  require  many  things  for 
their  ufe,  which  the  laws  of  Grtat-Britain  prohibit  them  from 
getting  any  where  hut  front  her.     Such  are  paper  and  gla(s. 

That  we  may  legally  be  bound  to  pay  any  general  duties  on 
thefe  commodities,  relative  to  the  regulation  of  tri.de,  is  granted ; 
but  we  being  obliged  ty  her  laivt  to  take  them  from  Great-Britain^ 
any/pecial  duties  unpofed  on  their  exportation  to  ut  only,  •with  in- 
tention to  rai/e  a  revenue  frert  ut  enfy,  are  as  much  taxes  upon  us, 
as  thofe  impofed  by  the  Stamp- Jff. 

What  is  the  difference  \n/ubfianee  and  rights  whether  the  fame 
Xum  is  raifed  upon  us  by  the  rates  mentioneoL  in  the  Stamp- J^,  oit 
the  u/e  of  paper,  or  by  thefe  duties,  on  the  importation  of  it.  It  is 
only  the  edition  of  a  former  hooki  fhifting  a  fentence  from  the 
eudxo  the  begitming. 

Suppose  the  duties  were  made  payable  in  Great-Britain? 

It  fignifies  nothing  to  us,  whether  they  are  to  be  paid  here  or 
there.  Had  the  Stamp-AH  direfted,  that  all  the  paper  ftiould  be 
landed  at  Florida^  and  the  duties  p^d  there,  before  it  was  brought 
to  the  Britijh  colonics,  would  the  zSt  have  raifed  lefs  money  upon 
us,  or  have  been  lefs  deftruftive  of  our  rights  ?  By  no  means  : 
For  as  we  were  under  a  neceffity  of  ufmg  the  paper,  we  (hould 
have  been  under  the  neceflity  of  paying  the  duties.    Thus,  in  the 

{•refcnt  cafe,  a  like  neeejjity  will  lubjeA  us,  if  this  aft  continues  in 
brce,  to  the  payment  of  the  duti<;8  how  impofed. 

Why  was  the  Stamp- Aa  then  fo  pernicious  to  freedom  ?  It  di^ 
not  enaft,  that  every  map  in  the  colotues  fiould  buy  a  certain 

quantity 

•  "  It  it  worth/  obfervatioB  how  quietly  fubfidict,  gitnted  in  forim  «/*«/ 
•nd  atcuftomabli  (though  heavy)  are  borne  j  fuch  a  power  hath  ufe  and  cuftom. 
On  the  other  fide,  what  dircontentments  and  difturbancei  fubfidiet  framid  in  m 
s(w  moWitf  do  raife  (iucm  an  inmid  hat»id  novkltv  both  match) 
i*  evident  by  examplet  of  former  timet."     Lord  Ci»«*«  sd  Inftitute,  p.  jj. 

t  Some  people  thinic  that  Criat-Briuin  has  the  fame  right  to  impofe  dutiet 
ea  the  export)  to  thefe  coloniei,  at  on  the  exports  to  Spam  and  Portural,  &c. 
Such  perfoni  attend  fo  much  to  the  idea  of  exportation,  that  they  entirely  drop 
that  tf  it*  ttmtahH  bitviitu  lb*  mitb*r  coumn  and  b*r  nhnitt.  If  Great-Briu'm 
had  alwayi  claimed,  and  exercifed  an  authority  to  compel  Spain  and  Pcriugal  to> 
import  manufaAurea  from  her  only,  the  cafe«  would  be  parallel  t  But  ai  Ae 
never  pretended  to  fuch  «  right,  they  are  at  liberty  to  get  them  where  ther 
pleafe ;  and  if  they  ehufe  to  take  them  from  her,  rather  than  from  other  n^ 
tions,  they  roluntarily  cenfent  to  pay  the  dutici  impofed  on  them. 


[    n  ] 


lly  beneficial  in- 
he  empire,  here- 
nsj    6ut  for  tht 

;rous  innovation, 
as  a  right  to  lay 
it  makes  no  dif- 

nany  things  for 
hibit  them  from 

and  gla(s. 
central  duties  on 
•i.de,  is  granted  ; 
m  Great-Britain^ 

Its  enfy,  •with  in- 
h  taxes  upon  us» 

ivhether  the  fame 
le  Stamp- Aa^  on 
ation  of  it.  It  is 
ntence  from  the 

rat-Britain  ?  ''"^ 
}  be  paid  here  or 
paper  ihould  be 
re  it  was  brought 
lefs  money  upon 

By  no  means  : 
taper,  we  ftiould 
>.    Thus,  in  the 

Z.&.  continues  in 

Freedom  ?   It  di^ 

y  buy  a  certain 

quantity 

mted  in  formi  ufiiMt 
lath  ufe  and  cuftom. 
f^ubfidiet  framtd  in  m 
rv  BOTH  match) 
iftitute,  p.  13, 
ght  to  impofe  dutiet 
'  and  ttrtugal,  &c. 
It  they  entirely  drQp 
I.  If  Greal-Brilt'm 
MM  and  Portugal  to. 
arallel :  But  ai  Ae 
t  them  where  thejr 
Ian  from  other  osn 
them. 


quantity  of  paper — No :  It  only  diredled,  that  no  inftrument  of 
writing  fhould  oe  valid  in  law,  if  not  made  on  (lamped  paper,  i^e^ 

The  makers  of  that  aft  knew  full  well,  that  the  confufions 
that  would  arife  from  the  difufe  of  writings,  would  compel  the 
colonies  to  ufe  the  flamped  paper,  and  therefore  to  pay  the  taxe* 
impofed.  For  this  reafon  the  Stamp-Ad  was  faid  to  be  a  law 
THAT  WOULD  EXECUTE  ITSELF.  For  the  Very  fame  reafon,  the 
laft  aft  of  parliament,  if  it  is  granted  to  have  any  force  here, 
WILL  EXECUTE  ITSELF,  and  will  be  attended  with  the  very 
fame  confequences  to  American  liberty. 

Some  perfons  perhaps  may  fay,  that  this  a£l  lays  us  under  no 
neceflity  to  pay  the  duties  impofed,  becaufe  we  ..lay  ourfelves 
manufacture  the  articles  on  which  they  are  laid  ;  whereas  by  the 
Stamp-ASl  no  inilrument  of  writing  could  be  good,  unlefs  made 
on  Britijh  paper,  and  that  too  (tamped. 

Such  an  objection  amounts  to  no  more  than  thi^,  that  the  in- 
jury refulting  to  thefe  colonies,  from  the  total  difufe  of  Britijh 
paper  and  glafs,  will  not  be  fa  affliJing  as  that  which  would  have 
refulted  from  the  total  difufe  of  writing  among  them ;  for  by 
that  means  even  the  Stamp-Ad  mieht  have  been  eluded.  Why 
then  was  it  univerfally  detcfted  by  them  a:  (lavery  itfelf  ?  Becaufe 
it  prefented  to  thefe  devoted  provinces  nothing  but  a  •  choice  of 
calamities,  imbittei-ed  by  indignities,  each  of  which  it  was  un- 
worthy of  freemen  to  bear.  But  is  no  injury  a  violation  of  right 
but  the  greatefi  injury  ?  If  the  eluding  the  payment  of  the  taxes 
impofed  by  the  Stamp-A£l,  would  have  fubjedted  us  to  a  more 
dreadful  inconvenience,  than  the  eluding  the  payment  of  thofe 
impofed  by  the  late  aft ;  does  it  therefore  follow,  that  the  Ia(t  is 
no  violation  of  our  rights,  tho'  it  is  calculated  for  the  fame  pur* 
pofe  the  other  was,  that  is,  to  raift  money  upon  us,  without  our 

CONSENT  ? 

This  would  be  making  right  to  confift,  not  in  an  exemption 
from  injury,  but  from  a  certain  degree  of  injury. 

But  the  objedtors  may  further  fay,  that  wc  (hall  (wSet  no  injury 
at  all  by  the  difufe  of  Britijh  paper  and  glafs.  We  might  not,  if 
we  could  make  as  much  as  we  want.  But  can  any  man,  acquaint- 
ed with  America,  believe  this  po(riblc  ?  I  am  told  there  are  but  two 
or  three  Glafs-Houfes  on  this  continent,  and  but  very  few  Paper- 
Mills ;  and  fuppo(e  more  (hould  be  erefted,  a  long  courfe  of  years 
muft  elapfe,  before  they  can  be  brought  to  perfeftion.  This  con- 
tinent is  a  country  of  planters,  farmers,  and  fi(hermen ;  not  of 
manufacturers.  The  difficulty  of  eftablifhing  particular  manufac- 
tures in  fuch  a  country,  is  almoit  infuperable.  For  one  manufac- 
ture is  connected  with  others  in  fuch  a  manner,  that  it  may  be  faid 
to  be  impoffible  to  eltabli(h  one  or  two,  without  eftablifhingfeve- 

B  2  ral 

*  Either  the  iifuft  of  writing,  or  the  payment  of  taxn  impofed  by  otb''< 
w'ttbtut  «ar  (Duftnt. 


rJ- 


fifa**- 


-s—  ->  *-?<fc?wr*r*^-^^^-?#*^ 


■  i 


;•! 


i 


ral  others.     The  experience  of  ^any  nations  may  convince  us  of 
this  truth. 
iNExpREssjBtE  therefore  muft  be  our  diftreffes  in  evading  the 

.  late  afts,  by  the  difufe  of  £nV»/ft  paper  and  glafs.     Nor  will  this 

'  be  the  extent  of  our  misiortune,  if  we  admit  the  legality  of  that  aft. 
Great-Britain  Jias  prohibited  the  manufaduring  iron  and 
ftiel  in  thefe  colonies,  without  any  objcftion  being  made  to  her 
right  of  doing  it.  The  like  right  flie  muft  have  to  prohibit  any 
oflier  manufafture  among  us.  Thus  flie  is  pofleffcd  of  an  undif- 
puted  prec$dtut  on  that  point.  This  authority,  (he  will  fay,  is 
founded  on  the  original  iMntion  of  fettling  thefe  colonies ;  that  is, 
that  Ihe  ihould  manufafture  for  them,  and  that  they  fhould  fupply 
her  with  materials.  The  ejuity  of  this  policy,  flie  will  alfo  fay, 
has  been  univerfally  acknowledged  by  the  colonies,  who  never 
have  made  the  leaft  objedlion  to  ftatutes  for  that  purpofe ;  and  will 
further  appear  by  the  mu/ual  httufiu  flowing  from  ithis  ufage,  ever 
fince  the  fettlcment  of  thefe  colonies. 

V  Our  great  advocate,  Mr.  Pitt,  in  his  fpeeches  on  the  debate 
concerning  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp- Ja,  acknowledged,  thaX'Grtat- 
Britain  could  reftrain  our  manufactures.  His  words  are  thefe — 
"  This  kingdom,  as  the.fupreme  governing  and  legiflative  power, 
has  ALWAYS  bound  the  colonies  by  her  regulations  and  rjestric- 
TiONS  in  trade,  in  navigation,  in  manufactures — in  every 
thing,  except  that  of  taking  their  moniy  out  of  their  pockets,  with- 
out their  consent."  Again  he  fays,  "  We  may  bind  their 
trade,  confii.e  their  makupactures,  and  exercife  every 
power  whatever,  except  that  of  taking  their  money  out  of  their  pockets, 
without  their  consent." 
Here  then,  my  dear  countrymen,  rousb  yourfelves,  and  be- 

'  hold  the  ruin  hanging  over  your  heads.  If  you  ON C E  admit, 
that  Great-Britain  may  lay  duties  upon  her  exportations  to  us,  for 
the  purpofe  of  levying  money  on  us  only,  flie  then  will  have  nothing 
to  do,  but  to  lay  thofe  duties  on  the  articles  which  flie  prohibits 
us  to  manufafture—^and  the  tragedy  of  American  liberty  is  finiflied. 
We  have  been  prohibited  from  procuring  manufadures,  in  all 
cafes,  any  where  but  from  Great-Britain  (excepting  linens,  which 
we  are  permitted  to  import  direftly  from  Ireland.)  We  have  been 
prohibited,  in  fome  cafes,  from  manufafturii.g  for  ourfelves  ;  and 
may  be  prohibited  in  others.  We  are  therefore  exa£Uy  in  the  fitu- 
ation  of  a  city  befieged,  which  is  furrounded  bjr  the  works  of  the 
befiegers  in  every  part  but  one.  If  that  is  clofed  up,  no  ftep  can 
be  talcen,  iut  to  fur  render  at  difcretion.  If  Great-Britain  can  order 
us  to  come  to  her  for  neceflaries  we  want,  and  can  order  us  to 
ay  what  taxes  flie  pleafes  before  we  take  them  away,  or  when  we 
and  them  here,  we  are  as  abjeft  flaves  as  France  and  Poland  can 
ihew  in  wooden  flioes,  and  with  uncombed  hair*.  Per- 

*  Tbe  peafants  of  France  wear  wooden  Ihoes ;  and  the  vaflali  of  FeltHd  ut 
remarkable  tor  matted  hair,  which  nover  can  be  combed. 


I 


,asm,»a'Mti»mitii»i»»^' 


iiM-' 


convince 


us  of 


in  evading  the 
Nor  will  this 
ility  of  that  a£l. 
iiring  iron  and 
ig  made  to  her 
to  prohibit  any 
d  of  an  undif- 
he  will  fay,  is 
lonies ;  that  is, 
y  fhould  fupply 
ic  will  alfo  fay, 
ics,  who  never 
rpofe ;  and  will 
this  ufage,  ever 

I  on  the  debate 
red,  tYaX'Great' 
rds  are  thefe — 
giflative  power, 
i  and  RjsTRic- 
nEs — in  every 

pBcketS,    WITH- 

may  bind  their 

exercife  every 

'  ef  their  pockets, 

rfelves,  and  be- 
DNCE  admit, 
itions  to  us,  for 

II  have  nothing 
:h  Ihe  prohibits 
>erty  is  finiihed. 
fadures,  in  all 
g  linens,  which 

We  have  been 
'  ourfelves ;  and 
\&Xy  in  the  fitu- 
he  works  of  the 
up,  no  ftep  can 
Witain  can  order 
can  order  us  to 
ay,  or  when  we 
and  Poland  can 
Pbr- 

iflali  of  P«/Mi  an 


"''^ttiiir^'^^'^ 


t    '3    ] 

Perhaps  the  nature  of  the  nuejjities  of  dependant  ftates,  caufed 
l>y  the  policy  of  a  governing  one,  for  her  own  benefit,  may  be 
elucidated  by  a  faft  mentioned  in  hiftory.  When  the  Cartbaei- 
Mians  were  poffefled  of  the  ifland  of  Sardinia,  they  made  a  decree, 
that  the  Sardinians  fliould  not  raife  corn,  nor  get  it  any  other  way 
than  from  the  Carthaginians.  Then,  by  impofing  any  duties  th»y 
would  upon  it,  they  drained  from  the  miferable  Sardinians  any 
fums  they  pleafed ;  and  whenever  that  oppreffed  people  made  the 
leaft  movement  to  aflert  their  liberty,  their  tyrants  ftarved  them  to 
death  or  fubmiffion.  This  may  be  called  the  moft  perfeft  kind  df 
political  neceffity. 

From  what  has  been  faid,  I  think  this  uncontrovertible  con- 
clufton  may  be  deduced,  that  when  a  ruling  ftate  obliges  a  depend- 
ant ttate  to  take  certain  commodities  from  her  alone,  it  is  implied 
in  the  nature  of  that  obligation;  is  effentially  requifite  togrve  it 
the  leaft  degree  of  juftice ;  and  is  infeparably  united  with  it,  in 
order  to  preferve  any  Ihare  of  freedom  to  the  dependant  ftate ; 
that  thofe  commodities  Jhould  never  be  loaded viith  duties,  for  the 

sot*  PVRfOSB  OF  LEVYING  MONEY  ON  THE  DEFENDANT 
STATE. 

Upon  the  whole,  the  fingle  queftion  is,  whether  the  parliament 
can  legally  impofe  duties  to  be  pfcid  by  the  feopU  of  thefe  colonies 

only,    FOR  THE  SOLE  PURPOSE  OP    RAISING   A  REVENUE,   on  Com- 

modifies  'which  fix  obliges  us  to  take  from  her  alone,  or,  in  other 
words,  whether  the  parliament  can  legally  take  money  out  of  our 
pockets,  without  our  confent.     If  they  can,  our  boafted  liberty  is  ( 

Vox  et  praterta  nihil. 

A  found  .and  nothing  elfe. 

'  A    FARMER. 


# 


/ 


LET- 


!> 


u; 


'i 


m 


I    H    ] 


o! 


L     E     T     T     E     R      IM. 


■t-^M 


.  ..V  a5sT,. 


••^  JJiy  i/wr  Countrymen, 

IR  E  I  O I C  E  to  find  that  my  two  former  tetters  to  you,  have 
been  generally  received  with  fo  much  fav6r  by  fuch  of  you, 
whofe  fentiments  I  have  had  an  opportunity  of  knowmg. 
Could  you  look  into  my  heart,  you  would  inllantly  perceive  a 
aealous  attachment  to  your  interefts,  and  a  lively  refentment  of 
every  infult  and  injury  offered  to  you,  to  be  the  mouves  that 
have  engaged  me  to  addrefs  you. 

I  AM  no  further  concerned  in  any  thing  affefting  Jmtrtr  i,  than 
any  one  of  you ;  and  when  liberty  leaves  it,  I  can  quit  it  much 
more  conveniently  than  moll  of  you :  feut  while  Divine  Prmdence, 
I  that  gave  me  exiftence  in  a  land  of  freedom,  permits  nr y  head  to 
think,  my  lips  to  fpeak,  and  my  hand  to  move,  I  Ihah  fo  highly 
and  gratefully  value  the  bleffing  received,  as  to  take  care,  that  my 
filence  and  inaftivity  Ihall  not  give  my  implied  affcnt  to  any  aft, 
degrading  my  brethren  and  myfelf  from  the  birthright,  wherewith 
heaven  itfelf  "  hath  made  us  fret  *."  ,         ,  ,  , 

Sorry  I  am  to  learn,  that  there  are  fome  few  perfons,  who 
Ihake  their  heads  with  folemn  motion,  and  pretend  to  wonder, 
what  can  be  the  meaning  of  thefe  letters.  "  Great-Britain, '  they 
fay,  "  is  too  powerful  to  contend  with  ;  flie  is  determined  to  oji- 
prefs  us  ;  it  is  in  vain  to  fpeak  of  right  on  one  fide,  when  there  is 
power  on  the  other ;  when  we  are  ftrong  enough  to  refill,  we 
fhall  attempt  it ;  but  now  we  are  not  ftrpng  enough,  and  therefore 
we  had  better  be  quiet ;  it  fignifies  nothing  to  convince  us  that  our 
rights  are  invaded,  when  we  cannot  defend  them ;  and  if  we  fliould 
Bet  into  riots  and  tumults  about  the  late  aft,  it  will  only  draw 
down  heavier  difpleafure  upon  us."  .  ,        . 

What  can  fuch  men  defign  ?  What  do  their  grave  obfervations 
amount  to,  but  this—-"  that  thefe  colonies,  totally  regardlcfs  of 
their  liberties,  fliould  commit  them,  with  humble  refignation,  to 
chance,  time,  and  the  tender  mercie.  of  minifteri." 

Are  thefe  men  ignorant,  that  ufurpations,  which  might  have 
been  fuccefsfully  oppofed  at  firll,  acquire  ftrength  by  continuance, 
and  thus  become  irrefillable  i  Do  they  condemn  the  conduft  of 
thefe  colonies,  concerning  the  Stamp-Mi?  Or  have  they  forgot  its 
fuccefsful  iffue  ?  Ought  the  colonics  afthat  time,  inftead  of  afting 
as  they  did,  to  have  trufted  for  relief,  to  the  fortuitous  events  of 
futurity  ?  If  it  is  needlefs  "  to  fpeak  of  rights"  now,  it  was  as 
needlefs  then.  If  the  behavior  of  the  colonies  was  prudent  and 
glorious  ihen,  and  fuccefsful  too;  it  will  be  equally  prudent  and 

glorious 

*  Cal.  ♦.  I. 


lit. 


■s  to  you,  have 
y  fuch  of  you, 
'  of  knowing, 
itly  perceive  a 
refentment  of 
;  motives  that 

Amtrie  i,  than 
1  quit  it  much 
ine  Providence, 
its  nr.y  head  to 

fliali  fo  highly 
:  care,  that  my 
rent  to  any  aft, 
ght,  wherewith 

9  perfons,  who 
end  to  wonder, 
-Britain,**  they 
lermined  to  oj)- 
,  when  there  is 
h  to  refift,  we 
1,  and  therefore 
ince  us  that  our 
ind  if  we  fliould 
will  only  draw 

ive  obfervations 

lly  regardlefs  of 

refignation,  to 

lich  mi^ht  have 
by  continuance, 
the  conduft  of 
e  they  forgot  its 
nftead  of  afting 
tuitous  events  of 
now,  it  was  as 
kras  prudent  and 
lily  prudent  and 
glorious 


f    >5    ] 

glorious  to  aft  in  the  fame  manner  now,  if  our  rights  are  equallr 
invaded,  and  mav  be  as  fuccefsful.  Therefore  it  becomes  neceffary 
w  enquire,  whether  "  our  rights  are  invaded."  To  talk  of  "  de. 
fcndmg"  them,  as  if  they  could  be  nootherwife  "  defended"  than 
by- arms,  IS  as  much  out  of  the  way,  as  if  a  man  having  a  choice 
of  feveral  roads  to  reach  his  journey's  end,  ftould  prefer  the  worft. 
for  no  other  reafon,*but  becaufe  it  «V  the  worft. 

As  to  ««  riots  and  tumults,"  the  gentlemen  who  Are  fo  appre. 
henfive  of  them,  are  much  miftaken,  if  they  think,  that  erievan- 
ces  cannot  be  redreffed  without  fuch  affiftance. 

I  WILL  now  tell  the  gentlemen,  what  is  "  the  meaning  of  thefe' 
letters.  The^meanmg  of  them  is,  to  convince  the  people  of  thefe 
colonies,  that  they  are  at  this  moment  expofed  to  the  moft  imminent 
dangers ;  and  to  pcrfuade  them  immediately,  vigoroufly.  and  uha- 
nimoufly,  to  exert  themfelves,  in  the  moft  firm,  but  ittoft  peaceable 
manner,  for  obtaining  relief.  i«^«««oic 

The  caufe  of  liberty  is  a  caufe  of  too  much  dignity,  to  be  fol- 

^t^Jr  .*".':^°  '"<=*^  V"^  *'™'"1^-  It  ooght  to  be  maintained  iri  a 
manner  fuitable  to  her  nature.  Thofe  who  engage  in  it.  ftould 
breathe  a  fedate,  yet  ferment  fpirit;  animating  Lm  to  aftions  S 
prudence,  juftice,modelW,  bravery,  humanit?  and  magtaaStJ^ 

To  fuch  a  wonderful  degree  were  the  antitnt  J/^rte«fL  *,S> 
and  free  a  people  as  ever  exifled.  infpired  by  thi/happr  tempe«! 
r„H  oil?- '^"  rejefting  even  in  their  batdes  the'  MS^, 
and  other  injruments  for  excitmg  htat  and  rage,  they  ihircheSVb' 
tofcenesof  havock,  andhorrfiir-,  with  the  f^rtdJfltitei.MtXr 
tun.8  of  which  their  fteps  kept  pace-.-"  exhibiting''^ 'as  >wj 
fayp.  «  at  once  a  terrible  and  delightful  fight,  and  fc^iS 
a  dehberate  valor,  full  of  hope  and  good  !flUran«r?rtffoK 
vinity  had  fenfiblyaffifted them."  '  '  v.":         f^l; 

I  HOPE,  my  dear  countryjrieh,  that  you  will,  .iheverv'fcrilbhv 

to  ftir  you  up,  uhder  pretences  of  patriotifin.  to  iiy  meafures  S 
reft^ftful  to  ourWreigh  ahd  Ou'f  mother  countiy.     Hot?,^ 
disorderly  proceedings,  fnjure  the  reputation  of  7peMe,  «  to 

I  pray  GOD    Wiat.he  may  be  nleaftd  to  infpii*  ^bo  and  vow 

idea,  that  I  find  adtrfituTty  to  exprtfs^  To  ejcprefs  it  in  the  bJft 
mannerlcan,  rmean  a  fpirit,  ihafftallfoguidJyou  KtwUI 
be  impoffible  to  determine  whether  an  JmJcan*.  cha^fter  i  m^ 
daftinguiftable,  for  his  loyalty  to  his  Sovereign.  Ms"  S  to  hb 

EvEHV  governiient  at  fome  timt  or  other  falls  into  wrong  mea- 

fures. 
,  •  ?/•/*«*  in  tb.  lift  of  Ljcrgu,.    ArchWihop  F«terU  Ar.hjeologi.  Or.M. 


1 


[    «6    ] 

Aires.  Thefe  may  proceed  irom  miilake  or  paffinn.  But  every 
Aich  meafare  does  not  diflbh'e  the  obligation  between  the  gover- 
nors and  the  governed.  The  mifiake  may.  be  correAed ;  the  paf- 
fion  may  fubwic.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  governed  to  endeavor, 
to  refUfy  the  miftake,  and  to  appeafe  the  pauon.  They  have  not 
at  firft  any  other  right,  than  to  reprefent  ueirgrievances,  and  to 
pray  for  redrefs,  unlef*  an  emergence  is  fo  predj^,  as  not  to  allow 
time  for  receiving  an  anfwer  to  their  applications,  which  rarely 
happens.  If  their  applications  are  difreearded^  then  that  kind  of 
eppefitioH  becomes  jufttfiable,  which  can  oe  made  without  breaking 
tne  laws,  or  difturbing  the  public  peace.  This  confifts  in  the  prt- 
vtntioH  of  tbi  tpprtjfttrs  rtaping  advantage  from  their  opfrefjionsy  and 
not  in  their  punifliment.  For  experience  may  teach  them,,  what 
raUbn'  did  not;  and  harfli  methods  cannot  be  proper,  till  milder 
ones  have  failed. 

If  at  length  it  becomes  undoubted,  that  an  inveterate  refblu- 
tion  is  formed  to  annihilate  the  liberties  of  the  governed,  tHe  Eng- 
lifi)  hiftory  a/fords  frequent  examples  of  refiftance  by'  force.  What 
particular  circumftances  will  in  any  future  cafe  juftify  fi)Ch  re- 
finance, can  never  be  afcertained,  till  they  happen.  ,  Perhaps  ^i^ 
may  be  allowable  to  fay  generally,  that  it  nev^r  can  be  juftliiable. 
until  the  people  are  fully  convinced,  tliat  any  f^irthcr  fiib- 
miffion.  will  be  deftru^ve  to  their  hapjpinefs. 

Whxm  fh'e  appeal  is  made  to  the  Iword,  highly  probable  is  it, 
that  the  punilhment  will  exceed  the  oflence;  and  the  calamities 
attending  on  war  out-weigh  thofe  preceding  it.  Thefe  coufidera-. 
tions  ofjuftice  and  prudence,  will  always  have  great  influence 
with  good  and  wife  men. 

To  thefe  refleAions  on  this  fubjefi,  it  remains  to  be  added,, 
and  ought  for  ever  to  be  remembered,  that  refiftance,  in  the  cafe 
of  cdonies  againft  their  mother  country,  is  extremely  diiferent 
from  the  refiftance  of  a  people  againft  their  prince.  A  hatipn  may 
change  their  king,  or  race  of  kings,  and,  retaining  their  antient 
form  of  government,  be  gainers  by  changing.  Thus  Great- 
BritmHf  under  the  illuftrious  houie  of  Brua/huki,  a  houfe  that 
feems  to  flourifh  for  the  happinefs  of  mankind,  has  found  a  felicity, 
unknown  in  the  reigns  of  the  Ste-wartt.  Bift  if  once  ovf  are  fe- 
parated  from  our  mother  country,  what  new.  form  of  government 
fliall  we  adopt,  or  where  (hall  we  find  another  Britain,  to  fupply 
our  lofi  i  Tom  from  the  bodv,  to  which  we  are  united  by  reli^on, 
liberty,  laws,  affeAions,  relation,  language  and  commerce,  wc 
muft  bleed  at  every  vein. 

In  truth — the  profperity  of  thefe  provinces  is  founded  in  their, 
dependance  on  Great-Britain ;  and  when  flie  returns  to  her  "  old. 
good  humour,  and  her  old  good  nature,"  as  Lord  Clarendon  ex- 
prefles  it,  I  hope  they  will  always  think  it  their  duty  and  interell, 

as 


.x.,iM^.s:.^.iiimtMim*iiai»mMi^ 


But  every 
ti  the  gover- 
sd ;  the  paf- 
to  endeavor 
ley  have  not 
ices,  and  to 
i»ot  to  allow 
which  rarely 
that  kind  of 
oat  breaking^ 
[U  in  the  frt- 
ffnjjions,  an«^ 
I  them»  what 
a-,  till  milder 

iterate  refblu- 
ned,  the  Eng- 
force.  What 
ftify  fuch  re- 
i.  Perhaps  i^ 
be  juftihablc» 
5  filrther  fiib- 

probablo  is  it,    ■ 
I  the  calamitiei 
lefe  coufideran 
jreat  influence 

to  be  added,, 
ce,  in  the  cafe, 
ancly  different 

A  nation  may 
g  dieir  andent 

T>iu8  Great- 
a  houfe  that 
bund  a  felicity, 
nee  wf  are  fe- 
,of  government 
tain,  to  fupply 
ted  by  religion, 

commerce,  we 

bunded  in  their. 
US  to  her  "  old- 
rd  Clarendon  ex- 
ity  and  intereft, 
at 


[    '7  ] 

as  it  moft  certainly  will  be,  to  promote  her  welfare  by  all  the  meant 
in  their  power. 

We  cannot  &&.  with  too  much  caution  in  our  difputes.  Anger 
produces  anger  ;  and  differences,  that  might  be  accommodated  by 
kind  and  refpeilfui  behavior,  may,  by  imprudence,  be  enlarged 
to  an  incurable  rage.  In  quarrels  between  countries,  as  well  as 
in  thofe  between  individuals,  when  they  have  rifen  to  a  certain 
height,  the  firll  caufe  of  difTenfion  is  no  longer  remembered,  the 
minds  of  the  parties  being  wholly  engaged  in  recollefting  and  re- 
fenting  the  mutual  expreilions  of  their  dillike.  When  feuds  have 
reached  that  fatal  point,  all  confiderations  of  reafon  and  equity 
vanifh ;  and  a  blind  fury  governs,  or  rather  confounds  all  things. 
A  people  no  longer  regards  their  intereil,  but  the  gratification  of 
their  wrath.  The  fway  of  the  *  Cleans  and  Clodius's,  the  defigning 
and  detellable  flatterers  of  the  prenjailing  pajjion,  becomes  con- 
firmed. Wife  and  good  men  in  vain  oppofe  the  ftorm,  and  may 
think  themfclves  fortunate,  if,  in  attempting  to  preferve  their  un- 
grateful fellow  citizens,  they  do  not  rum  themfflves.  Their /r»- 
dence  will  be  called  bafene/s  ;  their  moderation  will  be  called  guilt ; 
and  if  their  virtue  does  not  lead  them  to  deArudion,  as  that  of 
many  other  great  and  excellent  pcrfons  has  done,  they  may  fur- 
vive  to  receive  from  their  expiring  country  the  mournful  glory  of 
her  acknowledgment,  that  their  counfels,  if  regarded,  would  have 
fcvcd  her. 

The  conftitutional  modes  of  obtaining  relief,  are  thofe  which 
I  wifli  to  fee  purfued  on  the  prefent  occafion  ;  that  is,  by  peti- 
tions of  our  affemblies,  or  where  they  are  not  permitted  to  meet,  of 
the  people,  to  the  powers  that  can  aiford  us  relief. 

We  have  an  excellent  prince,  in  whofe  good  difpofitions  towards 
us  we  may  confide.  We  have  a  generous,  fenfible  and  humane 
nation,  to  whom  we  may  apply.  They  may  be  deceived.  They 
may,  by  artful  men,  be  provoked  to  anger  againft  us.  I  cannot 
believe  they  will  be  cruel  orunjuft;  or  that  their  anger  will  be 
implacable.  Let  us  behave  like  dutiful  children,  who  have  re^ 
ceived  unmerited  blows  from  a  beloved  parent.  Let  us  complain 
to  our  parent ;  but  let  our  complaints  fpeak  at  the  fame  time  the 
language  of  aiHi£tion  and  veneration. 

If,  however,  it  ftiall  happen,  by  an  unfortunate  courfe  of  affairs, 
that  our  applications  to  his  Majefty  and  the  parliament  for  redrefs, 
prove  inefFeftual,  let  us  then  take  another  ftep,  by  withholding 
from  Great-Britain  all.the  advantages  flie  has  been  ufed  to  receive 
from  us.  Then  let  us  try,  if  our  ingenuity,  induflry,  and  fru- 
gality, will  not  give  weight  to  our  remonilrances.  Let  us  all  be 
onited  with  one  fpirit,   m  one  caufe.     Let  us  invent—let  us 

C  work 

*  CUtn  was  a  popular  firebrand  of  Athtni,  and  Cloint  of  tAm*i  each  •£ 
whom  plunged  hit  country  iata  the  detpeft  calamities. 


iSM 


m 


[     i8    ] 

work let  us  fave let  us,  continually,  keep  up  our  claim. 

and  inceffantly  repeat  our  complaints- — But,  above  all,    let  us 
implore  the  proteftion  of  that  infinitely  good  and  gracious  being, 
t  "  by  whom  kings  reign,  and  princes  decree  juftice." 
Nil  dffperandum. 
■     Nothing  is  to  be  dcfpaired  of.  ' 

A    F  A  R  M  E  R. 


f  Prov.  viii.  15. 


'W'%'' 


LETTER 


IV. 


J 


[1 


Ki 


My  dear  Countrymen, 

Al5  objeaion,  I  hear,  has  been  made  againft  my  fecond 
ktter,  which  I  would  willingly  clear  up  before  I  pro- 
ceed. "  There  is,"  fay  thefe  objeftors,  "  a  material 
difference  between  the  Stamp-Aa  and  the  late  aa  for  laying  a 
duty  on  paper,  i£c.  that  juftifies  the  conduft  of  thofe  who  op- 
pofed  the  former,  and  yet  are  willing  to  fubmit  to  the  latter. 
The  duties  impofed  by  the  Stamp- Acl  were  internal  taxes  ;  but  the 
prefent  are  external,  and  therefore  the  parliament  may  have  a  right 

to  impofe  them."  r      i- 

To  this  1  anfwer,  with  a  total  denial  of  the  power  of  parliament 
to  lay  upon  thefe  colonies  any  "  tax"  whatever. 

This  point,  being  fo  important  to  this,  and  to  fucccedmg  ge- 
nerations, I  wifti  to  be  clearly  underftood. 

To  the  word  "  tax,"  I  annex  that  meaning  which  the  conftitu- 
tion  and  hillory  of  England  require  to  be  annexed  to  it ;  that  is— 
that  it  is  an  impofttion  on  the  fuhjea,  for  the  file  purpo/e  of  levying 

money.  .     -.     .  j 

In  the  early  ages  of  our  monarchy,  certain  fervices  were  render- 
ed to  the  crown  for  the  general  good.     Thefe  were  perfonal  * :  But, 

in 

•  It  is  very  worthy  of  remark,  how  watchful  our  wife  »nceftor«  were,  left 
t\\t\x  ftrvicti  (hould  be  encreafed  beyond  what  the  law  allowed.  No  man  was 
bound  to  go  out  of  the  realm  to  ferve  the  King.  Therefore,  even  in  the  con- 
quering reign  of  Henry  the  Fifth,  when  the  martial  fpirit  of  the  nation  waa 
highly  enflamed  by  the  heroic  courage  of  thsir  Prince,  and  by  his  great  fuc- 
cefs  they  ftill  carefully  guarded  againft  the  eftabliftiment  of  illegal  fervicet. 
j  ««  When  this  point  (fays  Lord  Chief  Juftice  Ceke)  concerning  maintenance  of 
wars  out  of  England,  came  in  queftion,  the  commons  did  make  their  roniiniial 
tlaim  of  their  entietit  freedom  and  birthright,  as  in  the  firft  of  Henry  the  Fifth, 
and  in  the  feventb  of  Henry  the  Fifth,  Sec.  the  commons  made  a  PROTEST, 
that  they  were  not  bound  to  the  maintenance  of  war  in  Scotland,  Inland,  Calict, 

France, 


■  '*rf'*?!!i^i<wifi2'WJ^l*^9^^*^' 


,i.aiiti«A*irj"tTii'r'"''''-'''"ii'*''''^*''**^^ 


[    19    ] 


our  clain^, 
all,  let  us 
ious  being, 


M  E  R. 


V. 


my  fecond 
efore  I  pro- 
'  a  material 
For  laying  a 
)fe  who  op- 
»  the  latter, 
xes ;  but  the 
have  a  right 

)f  parliament 

cceeding  ge- 

the  conftitu* 
it ;  that  is — 
i/e  of  levying 

were  render- 

rfonal  * :  But, 

in 

iftori  were,  left 
No  man  was 
ven  in  the  con- 
the  nation  w«i 
r  his  great  fuc- 
illegal  fervicet. 
maintenance  of 
e  their  totiiiimal 
'ieniy  tht  Fifth, 
1  PROTEST, 
',  Irtland,  Calici, 
Franet, 


in  procefs  of  time,  fuch  inftitutions  being  found  inconvenipiit, 
gifis  migrants  of  their  own  property  were  made  by  the  people, 
under  the  feyeral  names  of  aids,  tallages,  taflcs,  taxts  and  fubrj- 
dies,  ISc.  Thefe  were  made,  as  may  be  colleftcd  even  from  the 
names,  for  public  firvice  upon  "  need  and  neceffity  ■{»."  All  thefe 
fums  were  levied  upon  the  people  by  virtue  of  their  voluntary 
gift|.  Their  defign  was  to  fupport  the  national  honor  and  intereft. 
iome  of  thofe  grants  comprehended  duties  arifing  from  trade- 
being  imports  on  merchandizes.  Thefe  Lord  Chief  jufticc  Cokt 
claffes  under  "  fubfidies,"  and  ••  parliamentary  aids."  They 
are  alfo  called  ««  cuftoms."  But  whatever  the  namt  was,  they  were 
always  confidered  as  gifts  of  the  people  to  the  cro-wn,  to  le  employed 
far  public  iifes. 

Commerce  was  at  a  low  ebb,  and  furprizing  inftances  might 
be  produced  how  little  it  was  attended  to  for  a  fuccefllon  of  a^es. 
r ,,  '"'?/  '^^'  ^^''^  ^^^^  mentioned,  and,  among  the  reft,  that 
of"  tax,"  had  obtained  a  national,  parliamentary  meaning,  drawn 
from  the  principles  of  the  conftitution,  long  before  any  Enzlijhma,, 
thought  of  impofition  of  duties,  for  the  regulation  of  trade. 

Whenever  we  fpeak  of  "  taxes"  among  Englijhmen,  let  us 
therefore  fpeak  of  them  with  reference  to  the  principles  on  which, 
and  the  intentions  with  which  they  have  been  eftabliftied.     This 

C  2  •  will 

Franet,  Normandy,  or  other  fareign  parts,  and  caufed  their  PROTESTS  to 
be  entered  into  the  parliament  rolls,  where  they  yet  remain:  which,  in  ef- 
»eft,  agreeth  with  that  which,  upon  like  occafion,  was  made  in  the  oarlia- 
ment  of  isth  Edward  I."  ad  Inft.  p.  jig.  ^ 

f  4th  Inft.  p.  28. 

fufcipiunt.    Phil.  Comines.  id  Inft.  •"  '^^ 

Thefe  gifts  entirely  depending  on  the  pleafure  of  the  donors,  were  propor- 

\Ta\"'  '^'  "'"•'*:"  "*■/'''  '■*""*'  ""•"  "^  P"P'=  ^ho  gave,  and  were  regu- 
lated  by  ibiir  opinion  of  the  public  neceffities.  Thus  Edward 4.  had  in  his 
lltli  year  a  tbinieth  from   the  laily,  a  Iwentitlh  from  the  c/trgy;  in  his  xid 

I'"  Vf  *  {'""l  •'"'  '"'»'  "  J'""''  *■""»  ^"^"'^  "'"1  «»>«  corporate  towns 
balf  of  their  bntfict  from  the  tltrgy  ;  in  his  i jd  year  an  tltntntb  from  the  karJ, 

«i°»/X'  Lnd  ""   ''"'^^''   '  ^"""''    ^'"'"    ""'  '""^'■^"'   ^'-     "•""''    ^ 

The  fame  difterenee  in  the  grants  of  the  feveral  ranks  is  obfervable  in  other 
reigni.  uuicr 

In  the  fanrious  ftatute  A  lalkirh  non  uncdtndo,  the  king  enumerates  the  fcvc-   ( 
ral  cla£t,,  without  whofe  confent,  he  and  his  heirs  never  ftiould  fet  or  levy  anv 
tax...      nullum  tallagium,  -utl  auxilium  ftrno,,  -otlbgrtdti  n,ftr»  in  r,f.n<: rtoliro 
ponatur  ftu  U^„ur,fin,^dunlau.,  affenju  architfifcof.run,,  ififcoforum,\,miL. 
eZZ'i"  '"•'Vfi'"*'  »  "/'»'»"  !ib,rorum\om.  de  regn/nofiro."      34,^ 

Lord  Chief  Jijftice  Ctlte,  in  his  comment  on  thefe  wrrds,  fays-—"  for  the  i 
juieting  of  the  commoni,  and  for  i  fnpttual  and  conftam  law  for  ever  ttfttr    b«th 
in  this  AND  OTHER  uKS  c  A  SI  s,  this  aft  was  made."    Thefe  words  are' i/^;, 

WITHOBT     ANY    8CR-JPLE,   ahjolul,,    WITHOUT     ANV    SAVING."      ad    CokA   \ 

inlt.  p.  53»    5J3.     Little  jid  iho  venerable  judge  imagine,  that  "  »h,y  i,k.   I 

"■'"     '*"*"    u     PT'.""  ^^'"^  '■>''  *"?"''  "^  '*>»  '»«•  would  be  dcfpifed  bv  \ 
EnghJImtn,  the  pofterity  of  thofe  who  made  it.  ^     "  "/   ! 


■  -.i**«»j(ylji(«to»;<»,. 


[      20     ] 

will  give  certainty  to  our  cxpreflion,  and  fafety  to  our  condufl  : 
But  if,  when  we  have  in  view  the  libt-rty  of  thefe  colonies,  we 
proceed  in  any  other  courfe,  we  purfue  a  Juno  \\  indeed,  but  Ihall 

only  catch  a  cloud.  .   -«   .  «.  a 

In  the  national,  parliamentary  feiife  infilted  on,  the  word 
"  tax  §"  was  certainly  undcrllood  by  the  congrefs  at  Ne-iv-Tork..^ 
whofc  refolves  may  be  Aiid  to  form  the  AmericaH  "  bill  of  nghts." 

THt  third,  fourth,  iifth,  and  lixth  relblvcs,  arc  thus  exprcfied. 

Ill  "  That  it  is  infeparahly  tjjhitial  to  tht  freedom  of  a  peopk, 
and  tlie  unJoubteJ  rig/jl  of  Englijhmen,  that  *  N  ( )  1"  A  X  be  inipofcd 
on  them,  but  vjith  their  ««ii«  coiijeui,  given  perfonally,  or  by  their 
reprefentatives."  ,   , 

IV.  "  That  the  people  of  the  colonies  are  not,  ano  Jiom  tneir 
local  circumftancts,  cannot  be  reprefcnted  in  the  houle  of  commons 

in  Great-Britain"  ,       c  .\. 

V  "  That  the  only  reprefentatives  of  tlie  people  ot  the  co- 
lonies, are  the  perfons  chofen  therein  by  thcmfdvcs ;  and  that 
NO  TAXES  ever  have  been,  or  can  be  conftuutionaily  iiapofed 
on  them,  but  by  their  refpcaivc  Icgiflatures."  -r      ri. 

VI.  "  That  ALL  /vfplies  to  tht  crown.  ing  free  gifts  ot  the 
people,  it  is  unrea/ouabk,  and  ineonfijient  fb  the  priucipks  and 
fpirit  of  the  Britifh  conjiitution,  for  the  pec.^  .^  of  Great  Brttaut  to 
grant  to  his  Majefly  the  proftrty  of  tlv  colonies.  ' 

Here  is  no  diftinftion  made  between  internal  mi  external  ts^ti. 
It  is  evident  from  the  fhort  reafoning  thrown  into  theie  refolves, 
that  every  impofiHon  "  to  grant  tp  his  Majefty  the  property  tf  tht 
colonies,"  was  thought  a  "  tax ;"  and  that  every  fuch  impofinon,  if 
laid  any  other  way,  than  "  with  their  confent,  given  perlonally, 
or  by  their  reprefentatives,"  was  not  only  "  unreafonable,  and  in- 
confiftent  with  the  principles  and  fpirit  of  the  ^^r/>///.  conttituuon, 
but  deftruftive  "  to  the  freedom  of  a  people." 

This  language  is  clear  and  important.  A  "  tax  means  aii 
impofition  to  raife  money.  Such  perfons  therefore  4s  fpeak  of 
internal  and  external  "taxes,"  I  pray  may  pardon  me,  if  lob- 
iea  to  that  expreflion,  as  applied  to  the  pnviLges  and  interefts  of 
thefe  colonics.  There  may  be  internal  and  external  impositions, 
founded  on  different  principles,  and  having  difftrint  tendencies  ;  evej^ 
"  tax"  being  an  impofition,  tho'  every  impofitwn  is  not  a  '« tax. 
But  all  taxes  are  founded  on  the/a«*  principle;  and  have  thsjame 

,       ,  EXTER- 

iendeucy. 

n  The  Gxjddefs  of  Empire,  in  the  Heathen  Mythology  }    sccording  to  an 
.  an  lent   fable,  Uioi  purfued  her,  bat  Ac  cfcaped  'n  a.cloud. 
;     %  In  this  fenfe  MonuJquUu  ufe.  the  word  «  tax."  in  his  ijth  bopkof  Sftru 

I  *ftTh^  rough  drai«htof  the  refolves  of  the  congrefs  ^tNnu-Tort  »xi  now  In 
n,v  binds,  and^lrom  fome  notes  on  that  draught,  and  other  v^ticular  reafans. 
HnV  fa.i'fied,  that  the  coiigvef.  underftood  ike  word  "  tax"  in  the  fenfe  her* 
ton'.ended  for. 


Ill  >i|i,lliT,».iir>.iji^|'' 


[      21      ] 


)ur  condnfl  : 
colonies,  ue 
ed,  but  Ihall 

J,  the  word 
t  Nnv-Tori, 
11  of  rights." 
iiis  exprcfied. 
'It  of  a  peophy 
K  lie  inipofcd 
',  or  by  their 

rul  fiom  their 
:  of  commons 


Ic 


of  the  co- 

C3 ;    and  that 
nally  iiapofed 


;e  gifts  of  the 
principUs  and 
■mt  Britain  to 

external  tajces. 
theie  refolves, 
preperty  »/  thi 
impofition,  if 
en  perlbnally, 
lable,  and  in- 
conrtitution," 

iX  "  means  aa 
•e  4S  fpeak  of 
[\  me,  if  I  ob- 
ind  interefts  of 

IMPOSITIONS, 

ndencies ;  every 
not  a  "  tax." 
have  theyawe 

EXTER- 

according  to  an 

{th  bopk  of  5^i>i> 

v-Tort  ate  now  in 
particular  reafons» 
in  the  fcnfe  ber« 


External  impofitions,  for  the  regulation  of  our  tratie,  ao  not 
"  grant  |o  his  Majefty  t/je  properly  of  the  colonies.^*  'i'hcy  only 
prevent  (he  colonies  acquiring  property,  in  things  not  ncccflary,  in 
a  manner  judged  to  be  injurious  to  the  welfare  of  the  whole  em- 
pire. But  the  lall  Uatnte  refpeftin^  us,  ••  grants  to  his  Majelly 
the  property  of  the  colonies,"  by  laying  duties  on  the  manufacture* 
of  Great-Britain  which  they  musi  take,  and  which  flic  fettled 
them,  on  purpofe  that  they  should  take. 

What  *  tax  can  be  more  internal  than  this?  Here  is  money 
drawn,  without  their  eonjent,  from  a  fociety,  who  have  conrtantly 

enjoyed 

*  If  feemi  to  be  evident,  that  Mr.  Pitt,  in  hii  defence  of  America,  during  | 
the  debate  cunrerning  the  repeal  of  the  Siamp-AU,  by  "  imtrtiat  taxes,"  meant  i 
any  dutiei  "  for  the  purpofe  of  raifing  a  revi  nue ;"  and  by  "  rxtimat  taxtt," 
meant  duties  impofed  "  for  the  rcKHlation  of  trade."  Hii  exprelTioni  arc 
thefe— "  If  the  gentleman  doe»  not  undcrftand  the  difterence  between  internal 
and  txttrnal  taxei,  I  cannot  help  it ;  but  there  is  a  pi  '.in  diAindtiun  between 
taxes  levied  roa  thc  furcoses  of  raising  a  x^vinve,  and  duties  im- 
pofed roR  THI  REGULATION  OF  TRADE,  for  the  accommodation  of  the 
fubjeA  ;  altho',  in  the  confequences,  fome  revenue  might  incidentally  arife 
from  the  latter." 

Thefe  words  «.ere  in  Mr.  Piti'i  reply  to  Mr.  Crttnville,  who  faid  he  could 
nut  underftand  the  difference  between  external  and  internal  taxes. 

In  every  other  part  of  his  fpeeches  on  that  occalion,  his  wtrds  confirm  thii 
condruAion  of  his  exprclTioiis.  The  following  cxtratt*  will  fliew  bow  pofitive 
•Tid  general  were  his  aflertinnt  of  our  right. 

*'  It  is  my  opinion  that  khis  kingdom  has  no  right   to  lay  a  tax  upon 

the  colonies." "  The  Amtricans  are  the  sons,   not  the  bastards    of  Eng- 

iaiid.  Taxation  is  no  part  of  tUe  ga^ei-ning  or  legijlati-ve  ^aviet" .—-"  Tne 
taxei  are  a  voluntary  gift  and  grant  of  i\it  commom  alone.  In  legisla- 
tion I'.ie  three  eftates-of  the  realm  are  alike  concerned,  but  the  concur- 
rence 01  the  PEERS  and  the  crown  to  a  tax,  is  only  necetTary  to  clofe  with 
the  FORM  of  a  law.  The  gift  a«</cR  ant  is  of  the  commons  alone."— 
"  Tbe  Jiftinllion  Imiveen  Ltai^LATiofi  d»(/ taxation    is  e£'tmial!y  nttiffary 

toliitny," "The  commons  of  America,  reprefented  in  their  feveral  aflem- 

blies,  have  ever  been  in  poilcflion  of  the  exercife  of  this  their  conlHtutional  i 
right,    of  giving  and   okak ting   their  own    money.      Tkey  would  have  ' 
been  SLAVES,  if  they  bad  mt  enjoyed  it."     "  The  idea  of  a  -virtual  ttftt-  ' 
fentation  of  America  in  this  houfe,  is  the  moft  contemptible  idea   that  ever  en- 
tered into  the  liead  of  man.— -U  Joes  not  deferve  a  fcrious  refutation." 

He  af;crw:ird8  Ihswa  tiic  unreaionablenefs  of  Great-Britain  taxing  America, 

thus "  'When  I  h,id  the  honor  of  I'erving  his  Majefty,  I  availed  myfelf  of 

the  means  of  information,  which  I  derived  from  my  office,  Ispeak  there- 
fore FKOM  KNowLKDCfi.  My  materials  Were  good.  I  was  at  pains  to  ro/- 
leS,  to  digefl,  to  conjider  them;  ami/  luill  be  bold  tt,  ajfrm,  that  the  profit  to 
Great-Britain  from  the  trade  of  the  colonies,  through  all  its  branches,  is  two 
MILLIONS  A  YEAR.  Thii  is  the  fund  lliat  carried  you  triumphantly  through 
the  laft  war,  Ti'.  eftates  that  were  rented  at  two  thoufand  pounds  a  year, 
threefcore  years  ago,  are  three  thoufand  pounds  at  prefeirt.  Thofe  eftates  fold 
then  from  fifteen  to  eighteen  yeais  purchafe;  the  fame  may  now  be  fold  for 
thirty.  You  owe  this  to  Ameru*.  '1'his  is  the  pkice  that  Ame- 
rica PAYS  YOU  FOR  HEit  viioTECTiuN." "  1  dare  not  fay  how  much 

higher  thefe  profits  may  i)e  augmented."—"  Upon  .he  whole,  I  will  beg  leave 
to  tell  the  houfe  what  is  really  my  opinion  }  it  is,  that  the  Stamp-Ad  te  re- 
pealed abfolutely,  totally,  and  immediately.  That  the  reafon  for  the  repeal  be 
a^gned,  becaufe  it  wa^  founded  o&  an  ekroneous  piiinciplx," 


'■■J 


■l  i 


i 


[     22      ] 

enjoyed  a  conftitutional  mode  of  raifing  all  money  among  them- 
felves.  ■  The  payment  of  this  tax  they  have  no  poflible  method  of 
avoiding ;  as  they  cannot  do  without  the  commodities  ol§w  hich  it 
is  laid,  and  they  cannot  manufafture  thefe  commodities  themfelves. 
Befides,  if  diis  unhappy  country  ftould  be  fo  lucicy  as  to  elude 
this  aft,  by  getting  parchment  enough,  in  the  place  of  paper,  or 
by  reviving  the  antient  method  of  writing  on  wax  and  bark,  and 
by  inventing  fometliing  to  ferve  inftead  of  glafs,  her  ingenuity 
would  ftand  her  in  little  ftead  ;  for  then  the  parliament  would 
have  nothing  to  do  but  to  prohibit  fuch  nianufadtures,  or  to  lay  a 
tax  on  hats  and  nuoolUn  cloths,  which  they  have  already  prohibited 
the  colonies /row  Supplying  each  other  nxiith  ;  or  on  inftruments  aod 
tools  of  fttel  and  iron,  which  they  have  prohibited  the  provincials 
from  manufaauringat  all\:  And  then,  what  little  gold  and  filver 
they  have,  muft  be  torn  from  their  hands,  or  tliey  will  not  be  able, 
in  a  (hort  time,  to  get  an  axj,  for  cutting  their  firewood,  nor  a 
plough,  for  raifing  their  food.  In  what  refpcft,  therefore,  I  beg 
leave,  to  alk,  is  the  late  aft  preferable  to  the  Stamp-Ad,  or  more 
confiftent  with  the  liberties  of  the  colonics  ?  For  my  own  part,  I 
regard  them  both  with  equal  apprehenfion  ;  and  think  they  ought 
to  DC  in  the  fame  manner  oppofed. 

Habemus  quidem  finatus  conj'ultum, taiiquam  gladium  in 

vagina  repofitum. 

We  have  a  ftatute,  laid  up  for  future  ufe,  like  a  fword  in 
\         the  fcabbard, 

:      V  *.  ;     A     FARMER. 

+  "  And  that  fig  and  har  ken,  made  in  his  Majefty'a  colonies  in  America, 
may  be  iukthir  manufactured  in  this  kingdom,  be  it  further  en- 
aaed  by  the  authority  aforefaid,  that  from  and  after  the  twenty-fourth  day  of 
June,  1750,  no  mill,  ot  ethtr  tvgine,  for  Jlitting  or  rolling  of  iron,  or  »ny  f/ating 
forge,  to  work  with  a  tilt  hammer,  or  any  furnace  for  making  fleet,  fliall  be  ereft- 
"ed  ;  or,  after  fuch  ereftion,  continued  in  any  or  his  Majisty's  colo- 
nies in  America."     ^■iA  George  \\.  Chap,  ig,  Seft.  9. 

X  Tho'  thefe  particulars  are  mentioned  as  being  abfolutely  neceflary,  yet  per- 
haps they  are  not  more  fo  than  gUfs  in  our  fevere  winters,  to  keep  out  the  cold 
from  our  houfcs  j  or  than  paper,  without  which  fuch  inexpreflible  confufion* 
muft  ci.fue. 


LET- 


ley  among  them- 
oflible  method  of 
lities  olftwhich  it 
dities  themfelves. 
ucky  as  to  elude 
ice  of  paper,  or 
(  and  bark,  and 
s,  her  ingenuity 
arliament  would 
ures,  or  to  lay  a 
ready  prohibited 
inltruments  aod 
d  the  provincials 
e  gold  and  filver 
will  not  be  able, 
■  firewood,  nor  a 
therefore,  I  beg 
mp-Ad,  or  more 
my  own  part,  I 
hink  they  ought 

\quam  gladium  in 

like  a  fword  in 


V  R  M  £  R. 

colonies  in  jimerica, 
,  be  it  further  en- 
wenty-fourth  day  of 
iron,  or  any  plating 
flttl,  fliall  be  ercft- 
I4ajisty's  col«- 

f  neceflPary,  yet  per- 
0  keep  out  the  cold 
ipreflible  confufioni 


LET- 


mmmmmmi'mi'm 


[       23      ] 

*L     E      T     T      E 


R 


V, 


My  dear  Countrymen, 


P 


E  R  H  A  P  S  the  objeftion  to  the  late  aft,  impofing  duties 
upon  paper,  tsfr .  might  have  been  fafely  ref.ed  on  the  argu- 
ment drawn  from  the  univerfal  conduft  of  parliaments  and 
minifters,  from  the  firll  exiflence  of  thefe  colonies,  to  the  admini- 
ftration  of  Mr.  Gmtiville. 

What  but  the  indifputable,  the  acknowledged  exdufive  right  of 
the  colonies  to  tax  themfelves,  could  be  the  reafon,  that  in  this 
long  period  of  more  than  one  hundred  and  fift;-  years,  no  ftatute 
was  ever  paffed  for  the  fole  purpofe  of  raifing  u  ievenue  oh  the  co- 
lonies ?  And  how  clear,  how  cogent  muft  thr^c  reafon  be,  to  which 
every  parliament,  and  every  minifter,  for  fo  long  a  time  fubmitted, 
without  a  fingle  attempt  to  innovate  ? 

Enoland,  in  part  of  that  courfe  of  years,  ixiA  Great-Britain, 
in  other  parts,  was  engaged  in  feveral  fierce  and  expenfive  wars ; 
troubled  with  fome  tumultuous  and  bold  parliaments ;  governed 
by  many  daring  and  wicked  minifters  ;  yet  none  of  them  ever  ven- 
tured to  touch  the  P<j/W/««  cf  ^/«fr/Vfl«  liberty.  Ambition,  ava- 
rice, faftion,  t)'ranny,  all  revered  it.  Whenever  it  was  neceffary 
to  raife  money  oh  the  colonies,  the  requifitions  of  the  croWn  were 
made,  and  dutifully  complied  with.  The  parliament,  from  time 
to  time,  regulated  their  trade,  and  that  of  the  reft  of  the  empire, 
to  preferve  their  dependence,  and  the  connexion  of  the  whole  in 
good  order. 

The  ped^ile  of  Great-Britain,  in  fupport  of  their  privileges, 
boaft  much  of  their  antiquity.  It  is  true  they  are  antient ;  yet  it 
may  well  be  queftioned,  if  there  is  a  fingle  privilege  of  a  Britip 
fubjedl,  fuppoxted  Ly  longer,  more  folemn,  or  more  uninterrupted 
teftimony,  than  the  exclufive  right  of  taxation  in  thefe  colonies. 
The  people  of  Great-L.itain  confider  that  kingdom  as  the  fovereign 
of  thefe  colonies,  and  would  now  annex  to  that  fo\'ereignty  a  pre- 
rogative never  heard  of  before.  How  would  they  bear  this,  was 
the  cafe  their  own  ?  What  would  they  think  of  a  ««w  prerogative 
claimed  by  the  crown  ?  We  may  guefs  what  their  conduft  would 
be,  from  the  tnnfports  of  paffion  into  which  they  fell  about  the 
late  embargo,  tho'  laid  to  relieve  the  moft  emergent  necefllties  of 
ftate,  admitting  of  no  delay  ;  and  for  which  there  were  numerous 
precedents.  Let  our  liberties  be  treated  with  the  fame  tenderncfs,  \ 
and  it  is  all  we  defire. 

Explicit  as  the  conduft  of  parliaments,  for  fo  many  ages,  is, 
to  prove  that  uo  money  can  be  levied  on  thefe  colonies  by  parlia- 
ment, for  the  purpofe  of  raifmg  a  revenue,  yet  it  is  not  the  only 
evidence  in  OUT  favor.  EvgRy 


!l 


i 


i' 


■ 


i\ 


[  H  ] 

Every  one  of  the  moft  material  arguments  agalnfl  the  legality 
of  u  e  Stamp-Ai-1,  operates  with  c-iiual  force  againlt  t^  ait  now 
objeatd  to ;  but  as  they  are  well  known,  it  fecms  unrilceffary  to 

repeat  them  here.  . ,       ,  r         r,.    . 

Thjs  general  one  only  (hall  be  confidered  at  prefent :  1  hat 
tho'  thefe  colonies  are  dependent  on  Great- Britain  ;  and  tho'  Ihe 
has  a  legal  power  to  m;ilcc  laws  for  preferving  that  dependence ; 
yet  it  is  not  neceiHiry  for  this  purpofe,  nor  eflential  to  the  relation 
bet\.een  a  mother  country  and  her  colonies,  as  was  eagerly  con- 
tended by  the  adxocates  for  the  i^tamp-Ad,  that  Ihe  Ihould  raifc 
money  on  them  without  their  confent. 

Colonies  were  formerly  planted  by  warlike  nations,  to  keep 
their  enemies  in  awe  ;  io  relieve  their  country,  overburthened  with 
inhabitants ;  or  to  difcharge  a  nun.ber  of  difcontented  and  trou- 
blefome  citizens.  But  in  more  modern  ages,  the  fpint  of  violence 
being,  in  fome  meafure,  if  the  exprcHion  may  be  allowed,  (hcath- 
ed  in  commerce,  colonies  have  been  fettled  by  the  nations  ot  Eu- 
rope for  the  purpofes  of  trade.  Thefe  purpofes  were  to  be  attain- 
ed by  the  colonies  raifmg  for  their  mother  country  thole  things 
which  Ihe  did  not  produce  herfelf ;  and  by  fupplying  themfelves 
from  her  with  things  they  wanted.  Thefe  were  the  natiottal  ohkds 
in  the  commencement  of  our  colonies,  and  have  Jaeen  uniformly  lo 

in  their  promotion.  ,  „   ,.,  i 

To  anfwer  thefe  grand  purpofes,  perfeft  liberty  was  known  to 
be  neceflary ;  all  hillory  proving,  that  trade  and  freedom  are  near- 
ly  related  to  each  other.  By  a  due  regard  to  this  wife  andjuft 
plan,  the  infant  colonies,  expofed  in  the  unknown  climates  and 
unexplored  wilderncfles  of  this  new  world,  lived,  grew,  and  flou- 

rilhed.  ...  ,  j    •  . 

The  parent  country,  with  undcviaung  prudence  and  virtue,  at- 
tentive to  the  firtt  principles  of  colonization,  drew  to  herfelf  the 
benefits  fhe  might  realbnably  expeft,  and  preferved  to  her  children 
the  bleffings,  on  which  thofe  benefits  were  founded.  She  niade 
laws,  obliging  her  colonics  to  carry  to  her  all  thofe  produfts  which 
(he  wanted  for  her  own  ufe ;  and  aU  thofe  raw  materials  which  (he 
chofe  herfelf  to  work  iip.  Befides  thi?  reftridion,  (he  forbad  them 
to  procure  mafiufuaures  from  any  other  part  of  the  globe,  or  even 
the  produas  of  European  countries,  which  alone  could  rival  her, 
without  being  lirft  brought  to  her.  In  (hort,  by  a  variety  of  laws, 
(he  regulated  their  t /ade  in  fuch  a  manner  as  (he  thought  moft  con- 
ducive to  their  mutui  1  advantage,  and  her  own  welfare.  A  power 
was  refervcd  to  the  crown  of  repealing  any  laws  that  (hould  be  en- 
Ffted :  The  executive  authority  of  government  was  alfo  lodged  in 
the  crown,  and  its  reprefentatives ;  and  an  appeal  was  fecured  to 
the  crown  from  all  iudgmentt  in  the  adminiftration  of  juftice. 

For  all  thefe  powers,  eftabliihed  by  the  mother  country  over 
the  colonics ;  for  all  thefe  immenfe  emoluments  derived  by  her 

*   from 


im^Mmm-j^i-i«-r'f.--i^i!!£*^l>l'^'^''^'-'* 


ft  the  legality 
:  tl>e  ait  now 
iniwcelTary  to 

)refent ;  That 
and  the'  Ihe 
;  dependence ; 
to  the  relation 
5  eagerly  con- 
e  Ihould  raife 

tions,  to  keep 
urthened  with 
ted  and  trou- 
lit  of  violence 
owed,  (hcatli- 
lations  of  £u- 
'.  to  be  attain- 
•y  thofe  things 
Lng  themfelves 
national  ohjeils 
n  uniformly  fo 

was  known  to 
:dom  are  ncar- 
s  wife  and  juft 
n  climates  and 
rew,  and  flou- 

ind  virtue,  at- 
to  herfelf  the 
:o  her  children 
d.  She  made 
)rodu£ls  which 
rials  which  fhe 
le  forbad  them 
globe,  or  even 
>uld  rival  her, 
ariety  of  laws, 
ught  moft  con- 
ire.  A  power 
:  fhould  be  en- 
alfo  lodged  in 
was  fecured  to 
of  juflice. 
:r  country  over 
derived  by  her 
»   from 


[    "5    ] 

from  them  ;  for  all  their  difficulties  and  diftrefles  in  fixing  them- 
felves, what  was  the  reconipence  made  them  ?  A  communication  of 
her  rights  in  general,  and  particularly  of  that  great  one,  the  foun- 
dation of  all  the  rell — that  their  property,  acquired  with  fo  much 
pain  and  hazard,  Ihould  be  difpolcd  of  by  none  but  *  themfelves — 
or,  to  ufe  the  beautiful  and  emphatic  language  of  the  fkcred  fcrip-  ' 
tures  t,  "  that  they  (hould  fit  e-veiy  man  ujider  his  vine,  and  under, 
his  fig-tree,  and  nonk  should  make  them  afraid." 

Can  any  man  of  candor  and  knowledge  deny,  that  thefe  in- 
ftitutions  form  an  affinity  between  Great-Britain  and  her  colonies, 
that  fufficiently  fecures  their  dependence  upon  her  ?  Or  that  for  her 
to  levy  taxes  upon  them,  is  to  revcrfe  the  nature  of  things  ?  Or 
that  flie  can  purfue  fuch  a  meafure,  without  reducing  them  to  a 
ftate  of  vaflalage  ? 

If  any  perfon  cannot  conceive  the  fupremacy  of  Great-Britain 
to  exift,  without  the  power  of  laying  taxes  to  levy  money  upon 
us,  the  hiftory  of  the  colonics,  and  of  Great-Britain,  fince  their 
fettlement,  will  prove  the  contrary.  He  will  there  find  the  amaz- 
ing advantages  arifing  to  her  from  them- — the  conllant  exercife  of 
her  fupremacy — and  their  filial  fubniiliion  to  it,  without  a  fingle 
rebellion,  or  even  the  thought  of  one,  from  their  firil  emigration 
to  this  moment — And  all  thcfe  thiiigs  have  kappened,  without 
one  inrtance  of  Great-Britain's  laying  taxes  to  levy  money  upon 
them. 

How  many  |  Britijh  authors  have  deraonftrated,  that  the  pre- 
fent  wealtli,  power  and  glory  of  their  country,  are  founded  upon 

D  thefc 

•  "  The  power  of  taxing  ihemjtivts,  was  the  privilege  of  which  the  Englijb 
Were,  with  reason,  farticularly  jiehus,"     Hume's  Hift.  of  England.  '  \ 

f  Mic.  iv.  4.  ^       " 

X  It  has  been  faid  in  the  Houfe  of  Commoni,  when  complaints  have  been 
made  of  the  decay  of  trade  to  any  part  of  Europe,  "  That  fuch  things  were  not 
worth  regard,  as  Great-Britain  was  poflcfled  of  colonies  that  could  coofume 
more  of  her  manufaAures  than  (he  was  able  to  fupply  them  with." 

"  As  the  cafe  now  (lands,  we  (hall  (hew   that  the  plantaiioni  are  a  fprjng  of 
viealth  to  this  nation,  that  they  work  tor  us,  that  their  treasure  centers        " 
AIL  here,  and  that  the  laws   have  lied   them  faft  enough  to  us;  fo  that  it      *^ 
murt  be  through  our  own  fault  and  mifm.inagi^ment,    if  they  become  inde- 
pendent of  rn^/..:.:/."  Oaviuaut  on  tbePitntaiionTrade.  ^ 

"  It  is  better  that  the  idands  (hould  be  fupplied  from  the  Northern  Colonies 
than  from  England}  for  this  reafun,  the  provifions  we  might  fend  to  BaiiaJos, 
Jamaica,  &c,  would  be  unimfroved  pruduA  of  the  earth,  as  grain  of  all  kinds, 
or  fuch  produft  where  there  is  little  got  by  the  improvement,  as  malt,  (alt 
beef  and  pork  j  indeed  the  exportation  of  fait  (i(h  thither  would  be  more  ad- 
vantageous, but  the  goods  which  we  fend  la  the  Northern  Colonies,  are  fuch, 
whofe  improvement  may  be  ju(»ly  faid,  one  with  another,  10  be  ne»r  four  fifths 
of  the  value  of  the  luhole  commodity,  as  apparel,  hou(hold  furniture,  and.m«By 
other  things."  /rf^. 

"  New-England  is  the  moft  prejudicial  plantation  fo  the  kingdom  of  Ent- 
land;  and  yet,  to  do  right  to  iliar  mull  indu(trious  iin^/iy^ colony,  I  niuAconfefi 
that  though  we  lofe  by  their  uolimitcU  trade  with  other  foreign  plaat«ti«iis,  yet 


I  ), 


r  26  ] 

thefe  colonics  ?  As  conftanrly  as  dreams  tend  to  the  ocean,  have  they 
been  pourins;  the  fruits  of  all  their  labors  into  their  mother's  1?^». 
Good  heaven  !  and  ihall  a  total  oblivion  of  former  tendernefles 
and  bleffings,  be  fpread  over  the  minds  of  a  good  and  wife  .lation, 
by'  the  fordid  arts  of  infiiguing  nien,  v/ho,  covering  their  felfifli 
projefts  under  pretences  of  public  good,  firft  enrage  their  country- 
men into  a  frenzy  of  paflion,  and  then  advance  their  own  influence 
and  interell,  by  gratifying  the  paflion,  which  they  themfelves  have 

bafely  excited.  ,  *  ,< 

Hitherto 

we  are  very  gTe»t  gainers  by  their  direft  trade  to  and  from  Old  England.  Our 
yearly  exportations  of  Englifi  manufaftures,  malt  and  other  goods,  from  hence 
thither,  amounting,  in  my  opinion,  to  ttn  timet  the  value  of  what  it  imJ)orted 
from  thence }  which  calculation  I  do  not  make  at  random,  but  upon  mattirt 
totifidiraiwn,  and,  peradventure,  upon  at  much  exfritntt  in  tbii  vtry  trade,  as  any 
other  perfon  will  pretend  to  j  and  therefore,  whenever  reformation  of  our  cor- 
refpondency  in  trade  with  that  people  /hall  be  thought  on,  it  will,  in  my  poor 
judgment,  require  gr«at  reNDERNRss,  and  very  serious  circum- 
spection." 5/>JosiahChild'j  Dif.curfe  on  Trade, 

"  Our  plantations  fpend  moftly  our  Englijb  manufaftures,  and  thofe  of  all 
fortt  almoft  imaginable,  in  egregious  quantities,  and  employ  near  fui»  thirds  of  all 
tur  Englifli  /hipping  j  fo  that  we  have  mare  people  in  England,  by  reafon  of  our 
plantations  in  America"  Idem, 

SiVJosiahChiid  fays,  in  another  part  of  his  work,  "  That  not  more  than 
fifty  families  are  maintained  in  England  hythe  refining  of  fugar."  From  whence, 
and  from  what  Davenant  fays,  it  is  plain,  that  the  advantages  here  faid  to  be 
derived  from  the  plantations  by  England,  muft  be  meant  chiefly  of  the  conti- 
nental colonies.  .  ,     .  •  u    l-      l 

"  I  fliall  fum  lip  my  whole  remarks  on  our  American  colonies,  with  this  ob- 
fervation,  that  as  they  are  a  certain  annual  revenue  of  several  millions 
STERLING  to  their  mother  country,  they  ought  carefully  to  be  protefted,  duly 
encouraged,  and  every  opportunity  that  prefents,  improved  for  their  increment 
and  advantage,  as  every  one  they  can  poffibly  reap,  muft  at  laft  return  to  us 
with  interell."  ^t. wi t-i" s  Lex  Merc.  Red, 

"  We  may  fafely  advance,  that  our  trade  and  navigation  are  greatly  encreafed 
by  our  coloMies,  and  that  they  really  are  a  fource  of  treafufe  and  naval  power  to 
this  kingdom,  fince  they  work  for  us,  and  their  treasure  centers 
HERE.  Before  their  fettlement,  our  manufaftures  were  few,  and  thofe  but  in- 
different;  the  number  of  £b^///&  merchants  very  fmall,  and  the  whole  dip- 
ping of  the  nation  much  inferior  to  what  now  belongs  to  the  fiorthern  Colonies 
only.  Thffe  are  certain  fafls.  Bat  fince  their  eftablifltment,  our  condition  has 
altered  tor  the  better,  almoft  to  a  degree  beyond  credibility.— Our  manufac- 
tures are  prodigioufty  encteafed,  chiefly  by  the  demand  forthetn  in  the  plan- 
tations, where  they  at  least  take  off  one  half,  and  fupply  us  with 
many  valuable  commodities  for  exportation,  which  is  as  great  an  emolument  to 
the  mother  kiniidom,  as  to  the  plantations  themfelves." 

Postlethwayt'j  Univ'.  Did.  of  Trade  and  Cammtrte, 

"  Moft  of  the  nations  of  Europe  have  interfered  with  us,  more  or  lefs,  iii 
divers  of  our  ftaple  manufactures,  within  half  a  century,  not  only  in  our  wool- 
len, but  in  our  lead  and  tin  manufaflures,  as  well  as  our  fifheries," 

PosTlethwavt,  ibid, 

"  The  inhabitants  of  our  colonies,  by  carrying  on  1  trade  with  their /orf/f« 
Heighhours,  do  not  only  occafion  a  greater  quantity  of  the  goods  and  merchandixes  of 
Europe  being  fent  from  hence  to  them,  and  a  greater  quantity  of  the  produA  of 
America  to  be  fent  from  them  hither,   which  v/tuld  tiherwife  be  carried  frtm, 

0rd 


,,Mmmmm*mim:- 


[    ^7   ] 


.n,  have  they 

liother's  l?j>. 

tender'-.efles 

wife  iiation, 

their  felfifti 

lieir  country- 

>\vn  influence 

imfelves  have 

Hitherto 

England.  Our 
ids,  from  hence 
hat  it  imjiorted 
ut  upon  maturi 
try  trade,  as  «ny 
tien  of  our  cor- 
ill,  in  my  poor 

0U»     CIRCUM- 

urfe  on  Trade. 
and  thofe  of  all 
tin*  tbirdt  of  all 
jy  reafon  of  our 
itm, 

t  not  more  than 
"  From  whence, 
s  here  faid  to  be 
y  of  the  conti> 

8,  with  this  ob- 

AL     MILLIONS 

protefted,  duly 
their  increment 
laft  return  to  u( 
^tx  Merc.  Red. 
;reatly  encreafed 
naTal  power  to 

OKB  CINTCliS 

nd  thofe  but  in- 
the  whole  ihip- 
jrthern  Colonies 
ir  condition  has 

ur  maNuf'ac- 
lem  in  the  pl»n- 

fupply  us  with 
n  emolument  to 

and  Commerce, 
mure  or  lefs,  in 
ily  in  our  wool* 
eries." 

.WAYT,  ibid. 
jith  their /or«^« 
d  mercbandizn  of 
the  produft  of 
be  carried  frtm, 
Mi 


Hitherto  Great-Britain  has  been  contented  with  her  pro- 
fperity.  Moderation  has  been  the  rule  of  her  conduft.  But  now, 
a  generous  humane  people,  that  fo  often  has  protefled  the  liberty  of 
Jirangers,  is  enflamed  into  an  attempt  to  tear  a  privilege  from  her 
own  children,  which,  if  executed,  mufl,  in  their  opinion,  fmk 
them  into  flaves :  And  for  what  ?  P'or  a  pernicious  power,  not 
iceflary  to  her,  as  her  own  experience  may  convince  her  ;  but 
horribly  dreadful  and  deteftable  to  them. 

D  2  It 

and  krtuthi  to  Europe  by  foreignert,  but  an  increafe  of  the  feamen  and  navi|a« 
iion  in  thofe  parts,  which  is  of  great  ftrength  and  fecurity,  as  well  as  of  great 
advantage  to  our  plantations  in  general.  And  though  ftme  of  our  coloniti  are  not 
only 'for  preventing  the  iin^arr«f»ii>  of  all  goods  of  the  fame  fptcitt  they  produce, 
but  fuft'er  particular  planters  to  keep  great  ru,.i  of  land  in  their  pojjijftan  unculti' 
vated,  with  defign  to  prevent  new  fettUmentt,  whereby  they  imagine  the  prices 
of  their  commodities  may  be  aft'eAed;  yet  if  it  be  confidcteH,  that  the  markets 
of  Great-Britain  depend  on  the  markets  of  all  Europe  in  general,  and  that  the 
European  markets  in  general  depend  on  the  propoition  between  the  annual confump- 
tion  and  the  v/hole  quantity  of  each  fpecies  annually  produced  by  a  L  L  naiiont ;  it 
muft  follow,  that  whether  we  or  foreigners  are  the  producers,  carriers^  import- 
ers and  exporters  of  American  produce,  yet  their  refpeflive  prices  in  each  colony 
(the  difference  of  freight,  cuftoras  and  importations  confidered)  will  always  bear 
proportion  to  the  general  confumplion  of  the  vihole  quantity  of  each  fort,  produced 
in  all  colonies,  and  in  all  partx,  allowing  only  for  the  ufual  contingencies  that 
trade  and  commerce,  agriculture  and  manufaAures^  are  liable  to  in  all  coun- 
tries." HoSTttTHWAYT,  J6id. 

"  It  it  certain,  that  from  the  very  time  Sir  JValter  Raleigh,  the  fothcr  of  our 
Englijb  colonies,  and  his  aflociates,  firft  prnjeAed  thefe  eitablifliments,  there 
have  been  perfons  who  have  found  an  intereft,  in  mifreprefenting,  or  leiTening 
the  value  of  them— —The  attempts  were  called  chimerical  and  dangerous. 
Afterwards  many  malignant  fuggeftions  were  made  about  facrificing  (o  miuy 
Englijbmen  to  the  obftinate  defire  of  fettling  colonies  in  couhtr.es  which  then 
produced  very  little  advantsge.  But  as  thefe  difficulties  were  gradually  fur- 
mounted,  thofe  complaints  vaniflied.  No  fooner  were  thtfe  Itmemationt  over, 
but  otberttroCe  in  their  ftead;  when  it  could  be  no  longer  faid^  that  the  colonies 
were  ufelefs,  it  was  alledged  that  they  were  not  ufeful  enough  to  their  mother 
country  ;  that  while  we  were  loided  with  taxes,  they  were  abfolutcly  free  ; 
that  the  planter!  lived  like  princes,  while  the  inhabitants  of  England  laboured 
hard  for  a  tolerable  fubfiftence."  Postietmwavt,  Hid. 

"  Before  the  fettlement  of  thefe  colonies,"  fays  Pofllethwayi,  "■  rurmanu* 
faAures  were  few,  and  thofe  but  indiffisrent.  In  thofe  days  we  had  not  only 
our  naval  ftores,  but  our  fliipt  from  our  neighbours.  Germaiiy  furni/hed  us  with 
all  things  made  of  metal,  even  to  nails.  Wiae,  paper,  linens,  and  a  thoufand 
other  things,  came  from  France.  Portugal  fupplied  us  with  fugar  ;  all  the 
produAs  of  yimerica  were  poured  into  us  from  Spain  ;  and  the  feKetians  and  Ge- 
tioeje  retailed  to  us  the  commodities  of  the  Eafi-Indiet,  »-  their  own  price." 

"  If  it  be  afted,  whether  foreignert,  for  what  goods  they  take  of  us,  do  not 
pay  on  that  confumption  a  great  portion  of  bur  taxes  ?  It  is  admitted  they  do." 
Hostlithwayt'i  Great- Britain's  True  .\yflem, 

"  If  we  are  afraid  that  one  day  orothet  the  colonies  will  revolt,  and  fct  up 
for  themfelves,  as  feme  feem  to  apprehend,  let  as  not  drive  them  to  a  neceffity  to 
feel  themfelves  independent  of  us  j  at  they  wiV/ do,  i  he  moment  thev  perct^ive 
t\iHTHEr  CjtN  BE  SUPPLIED  tril  H  ALL  THINGS  [ROM 
IflTHIN  THE  MS  ELITES,  and  do  not  need  our  afliftancc.  If  we  would 
keep  then  ftill  dependest  upon  their -mother  country,  and,  in  fome  refpc£>s, 

fulfuviinr 


1^ 


vi 


i\  ' 


[    28   ] 


It  fecms  evtrenifly  probable,  that  when  cool,  difpafltonate  p(K 
fterity.  (hall  amiider  the  alfcaionate  inteicourlfe,  the  /^c'procal 
benefits,  and  the  unlufpedin-  contidence,  that  have  fubfiited  be- 
tween thefc  colonics  and  their  parent  country,  for  fuch  a  leng.  .  ot 

til.  -, 

htrfr^ient  to  her  ■vinut  and  welfare  j  let  us  make  it  their  r  n  r  .  „  «  t  always  to 
■'"■>,    ,,  TwcKF. »   on  Trailt. 

'•'"bur  colonies,  while  they  have  Exglifl,  blood  in  their  veins,  and  have  re- 
lations in  £rWW,  and  white  th  r,v    CAN    <.,r    BY    Y^'"]""■   *1,'""    "hv 
th<^  Jlrong<rzl6greaur  they  firow,  the  m»«  this  rro«;»  and   *'"«f°~ J'M''    e 
them  ;  «.d  notlfing  but  fuch  an  arbitrary  power  ^a.  (hair  inake  them   defperate, 
can  bring  them  to  rebel."  DAVE^•  ant  ,„,b,eian,anon  f-af. 

"  The  Northern  colonies  are  not  upon  the  fame  looting  as  thofe  of  the 
South;  and  having  a  worft  f..il  to  improve,  they  muft  find  the  recompence 
feme  other  way,  which  only  can  be  in  property  and  dominion  :  Upon  which 
fcore,  any  INNOVATIONS  in  the  form  of  government  «her«,  fhou  d  b'  "un- 
oufly  examined,  for  fear  of  entering  upon  meafures,  by  which  the  induftry 
of  the  inhabitants  be  suite  difcouraged.  'Tis  always  ""^""''•"'"'T'kX 
a  people,  either  by  consent,  or  upon  compulsion,  to  depart  frof"  «'«•' 
»«IMITIVE  institutions,  and  THOSE  fundamentals,  by  which  tSey 
were  first   UNITED  together."  .     Utm.  . 

Ttc  moil  efteftual  way  of  umting  the  colu.  -S,  is  to  make  it  their  commoi 
intereft  to  oppofe  the  defigns  and  attempts  of  Great-Brttatn. 

"  All  wife  ftates  will  well  confider  how  to  preferve  the  ad  van  ages  anf.ng  from 

colonies,  and  avoid  the  evils.     And  1  conceive  that  there  can  be  but  two  way. 

in  nature  to  hinder  them  from  throwing  off  their  dependence  j  <,«,  to  keej.  it 
•    out  of  their  power,  and  the  othtr,  out  of  their  -will.     1  ^e/r/J  muft  be  by^f.r  , 

and  the /<,««r,  by  ujing  them  ■well,  and  keeping  them  employed  in  f"=h  P;»^«- 

.ions.  and  making-^fuch  manufaftures,  as  will  fupport  themfeWes  and  fam  I.e. 

comfortably,  W  procure  tbem  weahb  toe,  and  at  leail  not  prejudue  their  ipothtjr 

"'""  For«  can  never  be  ufcd  effeauaUy  to  anfwer  the  ead,  tvitbout  diftr^mg  tbt 
toknm  Ibemleheu  Liberty  and  enf.uragement  are  necelTary  to  carry  people 
•  hither,  and  to  keep  them  together  ..hen  they  are  there ;  and  violence  will  h.n^- 
der  both.  Any  body  of  troops,  confiderable  enough  to  awe  them,  and  keep  them 
in  fubieftion,  under  the  direAion  too  of  a  needy  governor,  often  fent  thither  to 
make  his  fortune,  and  at  fuch  a  diftance  from  any  application  for  redref.,  will 
foon  put  an  end  to  all  planting,  and  leave  the  country  to  the  foldiers  alone,  and 
if  it  did  not,  -would  eat  up  all  the  ptofit  of  the  colony.  For  this  reafon,  arbitrary 
countries  have  not  been  equally  fuccefsful  in  planting  colonies  with  free  one.; 
and  what  they  have  done  in  that  kind,  has  either  been  by  force,  at  a  vaft  ex- 
pence,  or  iy  departing  frotti  the  nature  of  their  g»,ernmint,  and  gn>,ng  fucb  prw- 
■vilegel  to  planter,  as  were  denied  to  their  other  fuljeff,.  Ahd  I  dare  fay,  that  a  few 
prudent  laws,  and  a  little  prudent  conduft.  would  foon  give  us  far  the  greateft 
Ihare  of  the  riches  of  all  America,  perhaps  drive  many  of  other  nations  out  ot, 
it,  or  into  out  colonies  for  fhelter.  j  j      a-  j- 

"  There  are/o  many  exigencies  in  all  ftates,  fo  many  foreign  «;«>•»,  and  domeflicdf 
flurhances,  that  thefe  colonies  can  never  want  opportunities,  if  they 
watch  for  them,  to  do  -what  ibey /halt  fnd  their  intereft  to  do ;  and  therefore  we 
ought  to  take  all  the  precautions  in  our  power,  that  it  fliall  never  be  tbetrin- 
terffl  to  aft  againft  that  of  their  native  country ;  an  evil  which  can  no  other- 
wife  be  averted,  than  by  keeping  thtm  fully  employed  in  fuch  trade,  di  -wtll  in- 
crtafe  tbtir  own,  as  well  as  our  wealth  ;  for  it  is  much  to  be  feared,  if  we  do  not 
find  employment  for  them,  they  may  find  it  for  »< ;  the  intereft  of  the  mother 
country,  is  always  to  keep  them  dependent,  and  fo  employed ;  and  it  require., 
M  her  addrefs  to  do  it ;  and  it  is  certainly  more  eafily  and  effefJually  ionn  by 
gtiltle  and  in/enfible  methods,  than  by  (ower  alone."  C  a  to  «  Littin. 


fpafltonate  po-. 
the  reciprocal 
r  fubfilted  be- 
:h  a  leng.  .  of 
ti..  -, 

(REST  always  to 
K  r. »  on  Trmli. 
ns,  and  have  te- 
II NO  WITH  us, 
2<^(im  will  gil  by- 
:  them  defperate, 
lanraihn  Tradt. 
>  as  thofe  of  the 
1  the  recompence 
in  :  Upon  which 
(hould  be  cauti- 
jich  the  induftry 

P  O  R  T  U  N  A  T  E    for 

jepart  from  their 
s,  by  which  tSey 

e  it  their  commo  i 

itages  arifing  from 
be  but  TWO  wayt 
e  }  one,  to  keep  it 
(  muft  be  by /(*■«} 
d  in  fuch  produc- 
felves  and  families 
udice  th.eir  iQothcr 

'\tbout  dtflrpy'mg  tbe 
y  to  carry  people 
violence  will  hin- 
;rn,  and  keep  them 
Ften  fent  thither  to 
n  for  redrefa,  will 
foldiers  alone,  afld 
li  reafon,  arbitrary 
es  with  free  one* ; 
force,  at  a  vaft  ex- 

I  giving  fuch  privi- 
lare  fay,  that  a  few 

us  far  the  greateft 
>ther  nations  out  of 

lars,  and  domtJUc  di- 
UNITIES,  if  they 
I ;  and  therefore  we 

II  nev'er  be  ibeir  in- 
irhich  can  no  other- 
:h  trades  at  v/ill  in- 
feared,  if  we  do  not 
ereftof  the  mother 
ed ;  and  it  requires. 
1  fffeflually  done  by 

CATo't  Ltltiri. 


[    ^9    ] 

time,  they  will  execrate,  with  the  bittereft  curfes,  the  infamous 
memory  of  thofe  men,  whofe  peftilential  ambition  unneceflarily, 
wantonly,  cruelly,  firft  opened  the  fources  of  civil  difcord  between 
them  ;  Hrll  turned  their  love  into  jealoufy  ;  and  firft  taught  thefe 
provinces,  filled  with  grief  and  anxiety,  to  enquire- — 
'  Mens  iihi  mattrna  efi  ? 

'  Where  is  maternal  affeftion  ? 

A    FARMER. 


LETTER      VI. 


S'',--' 


^  rtVar  Countrymen,  V, 

IT  may  perhaps  be  objefted  againft  the  arguments  that  havtf 
been  offered  to  the  public,  concerning  the  legal  power  of  the 
parliament,  "  that  it  has  always  exercifed  the  power  of  impofing 
duties,  for  the  purpofes  of  raifing  a  revenue  on  the  produflions  of 
thefe  colonies  carried  ^o  Qreat-Britain,  which  may  be  called  a  tax 
on  them."  To  this  objeftion  I  anfwer,  that  this  is  no  violation  of 
the  rights  of  the  colonies,  it  being  implied  in  the  relation  between 
them  and  Great-Britain,  that  they  fliouid  not  carry  fuch  commo- 
dities to  other  nations,  as  Ihould  enable  them  to  interfere  with  the 
mother  country.  The  impofition  of  duties  on  thefe  commodities, 
when  brought  to  her,  is  only  a  confequence  of  her  parental  right ; 
and  if  the  point  is  thoroughly  examined,  the  duties  will  be  found' 
to  be  laid  on  the  people  of  the  mother  country.  Whatever  they 
are,  they  muft  pioportionably  raife  the  price  of  the  goods,  and 
confcquently  muft  be  paid  by  the  confumers.  In  this  light  they 
were  confidered  by  the  parliament  in  the  25th  Charles  II.  Chap.  7, 
Seft.  2,  which  fays,  that  the  produftions  of  the  plantations  were 
carried  from  one  to  another  free  from  all  cuftoms,  "  while  the  fub- 
jefts  of  this  your  kingdom  of  England  have  paid  great  cufioms  and 
impojitions  for  'vvhat  of  them  have  been  spent  here,''  Off. 

Besides,  if  Great-Britain  exports  thdfe  commodities  again,  the' 
duties  will  injure  her  own  trade,  fo  that  Ihe  cannot  hurt  us,  with- 
out plainly  and  immediately  hurting  herfelf ;  and  this  is  our  check 
againft  her  adting  arbitrarily  in  this  refpeft. 

*  It  may  be  perhaps  further  objefted,  "  that  it  being  granted 
that  ftatutes  made  for  regulating  trade,  are  binding  upon  us,  it 

wiU 

•  \f  any  one  <hould  obfsrve  that  no  oppofition  has  been  made  to  the  legality 
of  the  4tli  Geo.  Ill,  Chap.  15,  which  is  the  FissT  aft  of  parliament  that  ever 
iippofed  duties  on  the  importations  into  America,  for  the  exprejfed  purpofe  of 
jaifing  a  revenue  there ;  I  anfwer-— Firft,  That  tho'  the  aft  exprefly  mentions 

the 


j«r 


iHli 


V 


■'  .<  '■ 


tJ. 


if 


I 


(' 


>\i 


I 


m 
1} 


<! 


^■'•a 


«,'i 


i'i' 


I 


III 


[    3°    ] 

will  be  difRcult  for  any  perfons,  but  the  makers  of  the  laws,  to 
determine,  which  of  them  are  made  for  the  regulating  of  trade, 
and  which  for  raifing  a  revenue ;  and  that  from  hence  may  arife 
confufion." 

To  this  I  anfwer,  that  the  cbjeftion  is  of  no  force  in  the  prcfent 
cafe,  or  fuch  as  refemble  it ;  becaufe  the  aft  now  in  queftion,  is 
formed exprejly  for  the  sole  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue. 

However,  fuppofing  the  defign  of  parliament  had  not  been 
txprtjfed,  the  objeftion  feems  to  me  of  no  weight,  with  regard  to 
the  influence  which  thofe  who  may  make  it,  might  expeftit  ought 
to  have  on  the  conduft  of  thefe  colonies. 

It  is  true,  that  impofitions  for  raijing  a  revenue,  may  be  here- 
after called  regulation  of  trade :  But  names  will  not  change  the 
nature  of  tilings.  Indeed  we  ought  firmly  to  believe,  what  is  an 
undoubted  truth,  confirmed  by  the  unhappy  experience  of  many 
ftates  heretofore  free,  that  unless  the  most  watchful  at- 
tention BE  exerted,  a  new  SERVITUDE  MAV  L  Ji  SLIPPED 
UPON  US,  UNDER  THE  SANCTION  OF  USUAL  AND  RESPECTA- 
BLE  TERMS. 

Thus  the  Cafart  ruined  the  Reman  liberty,  under  the  titles  of 
trihmnieial  and  diffatorial  authorities — old  and  venerable  dignities, 
known  in  the  moft  flourifhing  times  of  freedom.  In  imitation  of 
the  fame  policy,  Jams  II.  when  he  meant  to  eftablifh  popery,  talked 
of  liberty  of  confcience,  the  moft  facred  of  all  liberties  ;  and  had 
thereby  almoft  deceived  the  Diffenters  into  dellruftion. 

All  artful  rulers,  who  ftrive  to  extend  their  power  beyond  its 
jttft  limits,  endeavor  to  give  to  their  attempts  as  moch  femblance 

of 

the  riifing  a  revenue  in  jtmtrlca,  yet  it  feems  that  it  had  as  much  in  view  the 
"  improving  and  fecuring  the  trade  between  the  fame  and  Great-Britain," 
which  words  are  part  of  its  title :  And  the  preamble  fays,  "  Whereas  it  is  ex- 
pedient that  new  provifions  and  regulations  fliould  be  eftabliflied  for  improving 
the  revenue  of  this  kingdom,  and  for  txtending  and  ftcuring  the  navigation  and 
tmmthi  bittvitn  Great-Britain  and  jour  Majeftys  dominioni  in  America,  which 
by  the  peace  have  been  fo  happily  extended  an4  enlarged,"  &e.  Secondly,  ^1 
the  duties  mentioned  in  that  aft  are  impofed  folely  on  the  produaitnt  and  manu- 
faaurn  effortign  countrm,  and  not  a  fingle  duty  laid  on  any  produftion  or  manu- 
Yafture  of  our  mother  country.  Thirdly,  The  authority  of  the  provincial  af- 
femblies  is  not  therein  fo  plainly  attacked  as  by  the  laft  aft,  which  makes  pro- 
vifion  for  defraying  the  charges  of  the  "  adminiftration  of  juftice,  and  "  the 
fupport  of  civil  government."  Fourthly,  That  it  being  doubtful,  whether  the 
intention  of  the  4th  Git.  III.  Chap.  15.  was  not  as  much  to  regulate  trade,  as  to 
raife  a  revenue,  the  minds  of  the  people  here  were  wholly  engrofled  by  the  terror 
of  the  Stamp-Aa,  then  impending  over  them,  about  the  intention  of  which 

there  could  be  no  doubt.  .   ^      ,„   ^.  r        .1,    1  a    a. 

Thefe  reafowfo  far  diftinguiHi  the  4th  Oeo.  III.  Chap.  15,  from  the  laft  aft, 
that  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  that  the  firft  fliould  have  been  fubmitted  to, 
tho'  the  lafi  fliould  excite  the  moft  univerfal  and  fpirited  oppofition.  Vortbit 
will  be  found,  on  the  ftrifteft  examination,  to  be,  in  the  fnnciple  op  which  it 
is  founded,  and  in  the  confequenctt  that  muft  attend  it,  if  poffible,  more  deftroc 
tive  than  the  Stamp-Ad.  It  is,  to  fpeak  plainly,  *prodigj  in  our  laws ;  not 
having  one  Sritijh  feature.  ^ 


■■-;i}j-ia;*';,:ii33V^,- 


'  the  laws,  to 
ing  of  trade, 
ice  may  arife 

in  the  prcfent 
n  queilion,  is 

A  REVENUE. 

had  not  been 
ifith  regard  to 
xpe£t  it  ought 

nay  be  here- 
)t  change  the 
e,  what  is  an 
Mice  of  many 

TCHFUI,  AT- 

hH    SLIPPED 

B    RESPECTA- 

T  the  titles  of 
ible  dignities, 
I  imitation  of 
popery,  ta/.ied 
ties ;  and  bad 

er  beyond  its 

ich  femblance 

of 

ich  in  view  the 
Grtal-Britaiit," 
Vhereas  it  is  ex- 
1  for  improving 
ie  navigation  and 
America,  which 
Secondly,  Ml 
ifiitnt  and  manu- 
uAionor  manu- 
e  provincial  af- 
lich  malces  pro- 
ice,"  and  "  tht 
'ul,  whether  the 
ulate  trade,  as  to 
led  by  the  terror 
Btioh  of  which 

rem  the  lafl  i&, 
en  fubmitted  to, 
lition.  For  tbit 
iple  oji  which  it 
E,  more  deftruc- 
n  our  lawa ;  not 


[   3>    ] 

of  legality  as  poflible,  Thofe  who  fucc::d  them  may  venture  to 
go  a  little  further ;  for  each  new  encroachment  will  be  ftrength- 
ened  by  a  former.  "  f  That  which  is  now  fupported  by  examples, 
growing  old,  will  become  an  example  itfelf,"  and  thus  fupport 
frcfli  ufurpations. 

A  FREE  people  therefore  can  never  be  too  quick  in  obferving, 
nor  too  firm  ia  oppofing  the  beginnings  of  alteration  either  in 
form  or  rtality,  refpefting  inttitutions  formed  for  tHeir  fectirity. 
The  6rft  kind  of  alteration  leads  to  the  laft :  Yet,  on  the  other 
hand,  nothing  is  more  certain,  than  that  the  forms  of  liberty  may 
be  retained,  when  the  fubflance  is  gone.  In  government,  as  well 
as  in  religion,  "  The  letter  killeth,  but  thefpirit  giveth  life  |." 

I  WILL  beg  leave  to  enforce  this  remark  by  a  few  inftances. 
The  crown,  by  the  confutation,  has  the  prerogative  of  creating 
pers.  The  exigence  of  that  order,  in  due  number  and  dignity, 
is  eflential  to  the  conftitution  ;  and  if  the  crown  did  not  exercife 
that  prerogative,  the  peerage  muft  have  long  fincc  dccreafed  fa 
much  as  to  have  loft  its  proper  influence.  Suppofe  a  prince,  for 
fome  unjuft  purpofes,  ftiould,  from  time  to  time,  advance  fo  many 
needy,  profligate  wretches  to  that  rank,  that  all  the  independence 
of  the  houfe  of  lords  fhould  be  dellroyed  j  there  would  then  be  a 
manifeft  violation  of  the  conftitution,  um/er  the  appearance  of  ufinr 
legal  prerogative. 

The  houfe  of  commons  claims  the  privilege  of  forming  all  iwd- 
ney  bills,  and  will  not  fuiFer  either  of  the  other  branches  of  the 
Icgiflature  to  add  to,  or  alter  them  ;  contending  that  their  power 
fihiply  extends  to  an  acceptance  or  rejeftion  of  them.     Thw  pri- 
vilege ajppears  to  be  juft  :  But  under  pretence  of  this  juft  privilege, 
the  houle  of  commons  has  claimed  a  licence  of  tacking  to  money 
bills,  ckufes  relating  to  things  of  a  totally  different  kind,   and 
thus  forcing  them  in  a  manner  on  the  king  and  lords.     This  feeins 
to  be  an  abufe  6f  that  privilege,  and  it  may  be  vaftly  more  abtl- 
fed.    Suppofe  a  future  houfe,  influenced  by  fome  difplaced,  difcon- 
tertted  demagogues— in  a  time  of  danger,  fliould  tack  to  a  didner 
bill,  fomething  fo  injurious  to  the  king  and  peers,  that  they  woirid 
not  aJfent  to  it,  and  yet  the  commons  ftiould  obftinately  infift  on 
it ;  the  whole  kingdom  WOuld  be  expofed  to  ruin  by  thetti,    under 
the  appearance  of  maintaining  a  valuable  privilege. 

In  thefe  cafes  it  might  be  difficult  for  a  while  to  determine, 
whether  the  king  intended  to  exercife  his  prerogative  in  a  confti- 
tutional  manner  or  not ;  or  whether  the  commons  infifted  on  t^eir 
demand  fadUoufly,  or  for  the  public  good  :  But  furely  the  condudl 
of  the  crown,  or  of  the  houfe,  v/ould  in  time  fulficiently  explain 
itfelf.  ^ 

Ought  not  the  people  therefore  to  watch?  to  obferve  fafts ? 
to  faarch  into  caufes  ?  to  inveftigate  defigns  ?  And  have  they  not  a 

t  Tacitui.  tsCoi.iii.  6. 


IB'I 


III? 


',;| 


[     32     ] 
right  of  judging  from  the  evidence  before  them,  on  no  rtightcr 

points  than  their //^r/v  and  A,</////c/'^  ^  ^^?"i'^  ?'  ^'^'  [  r '"> 
flinK,  wherever  a  5///;//^  govcrnn.ent  is  ellabliJhed,  to  make  ufe  of 
any^arguments  to  prove  iuch  a  right.  It  is  fuft.aent  to  rennnd 
the  reader  of  the  day,  on  the  anmverfary  of  wluch  the  firft  ot 
thefe  letters  is  dated.  . 

I  WILL  now  apply  what  has  been  faid  to  the  preftnt  qucftion. 

The  nature  of  any  impolitions  laid  by  parliiuueiit  on  theie  co- 
lonies, mull  determine  the  .i.-/ign  in  laying  .them.  It  may  not 
be  eafy  in  every  inllance  to  dilcover  that  dei.gn.  Wherever  it  is 
doubtful,  I  think  fiibmifiion  cannot  be  dangerous  ;  nay,  it  mult 
be  right;  for,  in  my  opinion,  there  is  no  privilege  thefe  colonies 
claim,  which  they  ought  in  ciuty  :^xA  pru^Ance  more  earncftly  to 
maintain  and  defend,  than  the  authority  of  the  5r//,/.  parliament 
to  regulate  the  trade  of  all  her  dominions.  Without  this  autho- 
rity, the  benefits  fhe  enjoys  from  our  commerce,  muft  be  lolt  to 
her  •  The  blefTings  we  enjoy  from  our  dependence  upon  her,  mult 
be  loft  to  us.  Her  ftrcngth  muft  decay;  her  glory  vanifh  ;  and 
fhe  cannot  fufFer  without  our  partaking  in  her  misfortune.  Let 
us  therefore  cherijh  her  interefti  as  our  own,  and  gfve  her  every 
thins,  that  it  becomes  freemen  to  give  or  to  receive. 

The  nature  of  any  impofitions  fhe  may  lay  upon  us  may,  m 
general,  be  known,  by  confidering  how  far  they  relate  to  the  pre- 
ferving,  in  due  order,  the  conneftion  between  the  feveral  parts  of 
the  Britijh  empire.     One  thing  we  may  be  afTured  of,  which  is 

this Whenever  ftie  impofes  duties  on  commodities,  to  be  paid 

only  upon  their  exportation  from  Great-Britain  to  thefe  colonies, 

it  is  nofa regulation  of  trade,  but  a  defign  to  raife  a  revenue  up-, 

on  us.     Other  inftances  may  happen,  which  it  may  not  be  necef- 

fary  at  prefent  to  dwell  on.     I  hope  thefe  colonies  will  never,  to 

their  lateft  exiftence,  want  underftanding  fufHcient  to  difcover  the 

intentions  of  thofe  who  rule  over  them,  nor  the  refolution  necefTary 

!  for  afTerting  their  interefts.    They  will  always  have  the  fame  rights, 

!  that  all  free  ftates  have,  of  judging  when  their  privileges  are  in- 

I  Yaded,  and  of  ufing  all  prudent  meafures  for  prefervmg  Uiem. 

^ocirca  vivite  fortes 
'     *■     Fortiaque  adver/ts  opponite  peaora  rebus. 

Wherefore  keep  up  your  fpirits,  and  gallantly  oppofe 
this  adverfe  courfe  of  affairs. 


^m-^ 


A    FARMER. 


LET- 


on  no  flighter 
lefs  than  tri- 
to  make  ufe  of 
ent  to  remind 
ch  the  firft  of 

nt  qucftion. 
It  on  theie  co- 
It  may  not 
Wherever  it  is 
;  nay,  it  mull 
:  thcfc  colonies 
re  earneftly  to 
tijh  parliament 
jut  this  autho- 
nuft  be  loft  to 
ipon  her,  mull 
y  vanilh  ;  and 
isfortune.  Let 
give  her  emery 
ve. 

on  us  may,  in 
late  to  the  pre- 
feveral  parts  of 
d  of,  which  is 
ies,  to  be  paid 
thefe  colonies, 
I  a  revenue  up- , 
not  be  neccf- 
will  never,  to 
to  difcover  the 
lution  neceflary 
the  fame  rights, 
ivileges  are  in- 
ving  tliem. 


allantly  oppofe 


R  M  E  R. 


L  E  T- 


t    33    ] 

Letter      vil 

My  dear  Countrymen,      ' 

THIS  letter  is  intended  more  particularly  for  fuch  of  youj 
whofe  employments  in  life  may  have  prevented  your  at- 
tending to  the  confideration  of  fome  points  that  are  of 
great  and  public  importance:  For  many  fuch  perfons  there  muft  be 
even  m  thefe  colonies,  where  the  inhabitants  in  general  are  more 
intelligent  than  any  other  people  whatever,  as  has  been  remarked 
by  llrangers,  and  it  feems  with  reafon. 

Some  of  you,  perhaps,  filled,  as  I  know  your  breafts  arc,  with 
loyalty  to  our  moll  excellent  Prince,  and  with  love  to  our  dear 
mother  country,  may  feel  yourfelves  inclined,  by  the  affeftions  of 
your  hearts,  to  approve  every  atlion  of  thofe  whom  you  to  much 
Venerate  and  efteem      A  prejudice  thus  flowing  from  goodnefs  of 
difpofitwn,  IS  amiable  indeed.     I  wiih  it  could  Tje  indulged  with- 
out  danger.     Did  I  think  this  poffible,  the  error  Ihould  have  been 
adopted,  and  not  oppofen  by  me.     But  in  truth,  all  men  are  fub- 
jedt  to  the  frailties  of  nature;  and  therefore  whatever  regard  we 
entertain  for  the  perjhns  of  thofe  who  govern  us,  we  fliould  always 
remember  that  their  conduft,   as  rulers,   may  be  influenced  by 
human  infirmities.  ' 

When  any  laws,    injurious  to  thefe  colonies,  are  pafled.  we 
cannot  fuppofe,  that  any  injury  was  intended  us  by  his  Majefty    or 
the  Lords.     For  the  allent  of  the  crown  and  peers  to  laws,  feems. 
as  far  as  I  am  able  to  judge,  to  have  been  veiled  in  them,  more  for 
their  own  fecunty,  than  for  any  other  purpofe.     On   the  other 
hand.  It  IS  the  particular  bufinefs  of  the  people,  to  enquire  and 
difcover  what  regulations  are  ufeful  for  themfelves,  andtodieeft 
and  prefent  them  in  the  form  of  bills,  to  the  other  orders,  to  have 
them  enadled  into  laws.     Where  thefe  laws  are  to  bind  themfehes 
It  may  be  expefted,  that  the  houfeof  commons  will  very  carefully 
confider  them :  But  when  they  are  making  laws  that  are  not  defign- 
ed  to  bind  then^Jelvet,  we  cannot  imagine  that  their  deliberations 
will  be  as  •  cautious  and  fcrupulous,  as  in  their  own  cafe 

•  Many  remarkable  jnftances  might  be  produced  of  the  cstraordinar*  in.r 
tention   with  which    bill,  of   great   importance,    conc.rning  thefe  colon"*!' 

brought  in  by  the  perfons  who  have  points  to  carry,  fo  artfully  framed,  that  it 
I.  not  eafy  fo,  the  member,  in  general,  in  the  h.fte  of  bufinefs,  to  difcovil 
their  tendency,  '        »••»».« 

The  following  inftanres  Ihew  the  truth  of  this  remark.  When  Mr  Gntn. 
•utile,  in  the  violence  of  reformation,  formed  the  4th  Gte.  III.  Chan  leth  for 
Kgulating  the  .*»««>«!  trade,  the  word  " /rr/anrf"  was  dwpt  ia  theelaufe  re- 

latini 


I'll 


iMi 


^11 


I'll  i 


[    34    ] 

I   .M  told    that  there  is  a  wonderful  addrcfs  frequently  ufcd  in 

earvngSt'  i"  the  houfe  of  common,.  l>y  Pf-^-^^/J^J.^t 
frSe  Xirs  .—That  opportunities  nrc  watchcd-and  {(.n.climc 
ot  sarcnaffed,  that  if  all  the  members  had  been  prclcnt,  would 
havt^f rnS^^    by  a  great  majority.     Certain  it  .s.  that  whrn  a 
rwer?ul  and  artful  man  has  determined  on  any  •"•^"f"'^'^'-, '"' 
Kc  colonies,  he  has  always  luccceded  in  h.s  attempt        ^-  hap 
therefore  it  will  be  proper   for  us,  whenever  any  opprc      .  att  ..t 
£w  us    spaffed.  to  attribute  it  to  the  inattention  <     .he  mem- 
ber  of  thehoVc  of  common.,  and  to  the  malevoler      or  ambu.on 

^^bit-^i^^ii^-^b^-TV 

£^l:trtiKfrmembe?^^ 

ufua  I'n  GreZ-Britain,  to  couf.dcr  the  King's  fpeech  as  the  fpeedi 

f  fi    .„;ni(1rv    it  mav  be  right  here  to  confider  this  aft  as  the  ail 

:l  l';;r 'FrhapTlV^^^^^^  -re  properly,  if  I  was  to  uie 

another  term.  There 

taken  oft  by  a  fubf.quent  aft.    \ X  "^t  I  th  nk?"*  Uf.  than  .8  month., 
oftthi.  reflriftion,  a.  I  have  "»' ''^'/^j'.  A"' uVtord  "Mand"  was  left  out, 

"  The  eD»TO.;r!ition  was   obtained  C'»y*   "^f- L"/ "'"-'  rL»/;«a  •  for  feveral 
<■  V  (V  n    -  I  oloved  bv  a  compiny  then  trading  lo  Carolina ,  tot  leverai 

M,  t^  v.    a'^m ember  Of  p  rli!;nentV«,A»  ««  ..ry  fr,,u.r.,ly  employed  .ofr,- 
;7  ,«  Vni.  and  the  15th  <>i Charlu  II.  which  provide,  that  no  rBUloN 

Sl   i"  t"x«P  .»T   »V   H.MSELr   OK  HI.    ,»  K  .S.H  T*  T  .  V.. 

[a]  C«  on  Trade,  page  3a. 


^fH-I 


Kiu : 


ucntly  ufed  i» 
ns  experienced 
and  ionictinics 
prcl'cnt,  would 
s,  that  when  a 
leafure  a<-  lOll 
mpt.  "  haps 
pprc'  .  udl  af- 
iii  <  ilie  mcm- 
.  or  ambition 
,  caufe. 

liament,  inipo- 
iHwlle,  and  lii> 
,y  which  he  eii- 
and  1  do  alio 
houfe  of  com- 
rceive  how  de- 
rcafon,  as  it  is 
ch  as  the  fpeech 
lis  aft  as  the  adl 
,  if  I  was  to  ufe 

There 

rtielei  to  no  part  of 
1  rellriAion,  and  fo 
I  beforL,  that  it  ii 
ufe.  However  the 
thii  refiriftion  was 
tng  after  the  taking 
ifi  than  i8  tnonthl, 
land"  was  left  out, 
le  explained,  wai  a 

ruck  oft'  with  on  ■ 
I  appear  rmarkabli ; 
nnerated  commodity, 
jy  one  Co/',  «  Cap- 
".arolina;  for  feveral 
Portugal,  prevented 
ne,  he  poflefled  one 
untly  imfloyid  to  pri- 
Portugal,  was  a  pre- 
laufe  intp  an  aft,  to 
!(i  a  freight  to  bimjtlf, 

B   NATION." 

FOR    THE  B«N«riT 

ION,"  ii  foifted  into 
granting  to  her  Ma* 
ted,"  with  which  it 
the  34th  and  35th  of 
THAT  NO  riKieM 

SNTATIVl. 


{    35    ] 

TiiERC  are  two  ways  of  laying  taxes.  One  is,  by  iinpofing  a 
certain  fum  oa  particular  kinds  of  property,  to  be  paitl  by  the  ujer 
or  coHfumr,  or  by  rating  the  per/on  at  a  certain  fum.  The  other  is, 
by  impofing  a  certain  fum  on  particular  kinds  of  property,  to  Be 
paid  by  the  Je/ler. 

When  a  man  pays  the  firft  fort  of  tax,  he  inows  ivitb  certaintv 
that  he  pays  fo  much  money ^er  a  tax.  The  conftdtratkn  for  which 
he  pays  it,  is  remote,  and,  it  may  be,  does  not  occur  to  him.  He 
is  fenftble  too,  that  he  is  commanded  and  obliged  to  pay  it  as  a  tax  ; 
and  therefore  people  are  apt  to  be  difpleafed'with  this  fort  of  tax. 
The  other  fort  of  tax  is  fubmitted  to  in  a  very  different  manner. 
The  purchafer  of  any  article,  very  feldom  rcflefts  that  the  feller 
raifes  his  price,  fo  as  to  indemnify  nimfelf  for  the  tax  he  has  paid. 
He  knows  that  the  prices  of  things  are  continually  fluftuating,  and 
if  he  thinks  about  the  tax,  he  thinks  at  the  fame  time,  in  all  pro- 
bability, that  he  might  lave  paid  as  much,  if  the  article  he  buys* 
had  not  been  taxed.  He  gets  fomething  vifiblt  and  agreeahlt  for 
hit  money ;  and  tax  and  price  are  fo  confounded  together,  that  he 
cannot  fcparate  or  does  not  chufe  to  take  the  troubleof  feparatiiig 
them. 

This  mode  of  taxation  therefore  is  the  mode  fuited  to  arbitrary 
and  oppreflive  go\ernmcnts.  The  love  of  liberty  is  fo  natural  to 
the  human  heart,  that  unfeeling  tyrants  think  themfelvcs  obliged 
to  accommodate  their  fchemes  as  much  as  they  can  to  the  appear- 
ance of  juftice  and  reafon,  and  to  deceive  thofe  whom  they  refolve 
to  deftroy,  or  opprcfs,  by  prefenting  to  them  a  miferabie  pidure 
of  freedom,  when  the  inelhmable  original  is  loft. 

This  policy  did  not  cfcape  the  cruel  and  rapacious  ^  RRO. 
That  monJkr,  apprehenfive  that  his  crimes  might  endanger  his 
authority  and  life,  thought  proper  to  do  fonie  popular  afts,  to  fe- 
cure  the  obedience  of  his  fubjefts.  Among  other  things,  fays  Ta- 
citus, '•  he  remitted  the  twenty-fifth  part  of  the  price  on  the  fale 
of  flaves,  but  rather  in  Jhcvo  than  reality ;  for  the  feller  being 
ordered  to  pay  it,  it  became  part  of  the  price  to  the  buyer  || ." 

Thi9  is  the  refledion  of  the  judicious  //^or»a«  ;  but  the  delud- 
ed people  gave  their  infamous  Emperor  full  credit  for  his  falfe  ge- 
nerofity.  Other  nations  have  been  treated  in  the  fame  manner  the 
Romans  were.  The  honeft,  indullrious  Germans,  wlio  arc  ilttled  in 
different  parts  of  this  continent,  can  inform  us,  tha.  it  was  this 
fort  of  tax  that  drove  them  from,  their  native  land  to  our  woods,  at 
that  time  the  feats  of  perfeft  and  undifturbed  freedom. 

Their  Princes,  enflamed  by  the  Inft  of  power,  and  the  lull  of 

avarice,  two  furies  that  the  more  they  are  gorged,  tiie  more  hungry 

they  grow,  tranfgreiTed  the  bounds  they  ought,  in  regard  to  ther.i- 

felvCs,  to  have  oBferved.     To  keep  up  the  deception  In  the-minds 

-       ~  E  2        ^  '-  ••      of 

II  Tacitus' t  Ann,  Book  13,  §■  31.      ^  ^ 


i: 


^1*^*- 


J-""' 


!i!f' 


[    36   ] 

cf  fubjefts,  "  there  muft  be,"  fays  f  a  very  learned  author,  "  fom* 
proportion  between  the  impoft  and  the  value  of  the  commodity  ; 
wherefore  there  ought  not  to  be  an  exceffive  duty  upon  merchan-. 
dizes  of  little  value.  There  are  countries  in  which  the  duty  ex- 
ceeds feventeen  or  eighteen  times  the  value  of  the  commodity.  In 
this  cafe  the  Prince  removes  the  illufion.  His  fubjefts  plair>1y  fee 
diey  are  dealt  with  in  an  unreafonable  manner,  which  renders  them 
moft  exquifitely  fenfible  of  their  flavifh  fituation."  From  hence  it 
appears,  that  fubjefts  may  be  ground  down  into  mifery  by  this  fort 
of  taxation,  as  well  as  by  tlie  former.  They  will  be  as  much  im- 
poverilhed,  if  their  money  is  taken  from  them  in  this  way  as  in 
the  other ;  and  that  it  will  be  taken,  may  be  more  evident,  by  at- 
tending to  a  few  more  confiderations. 

The  merchant  or  importer,  who  pays  the  duty  at  firft,  will  not 
eonfent  to  be  fo  mucji  money  out  of  pocket.    He  therefore  pro- 

Eortionably  raifes  the  price  of  his  goods.  It  may  then  be  faid  to 
e  a  conteft  between  him  an4  the  perfon  offering  to  buy,  who  fhall 
lofe  the  daty.  This  muft  be  decided  by  the  nature  of  the  com- 
modities, and  the  purchafer's  demand  for  them.  If  they  are  mere 
luxuries,  he  is  at  liberty  to  do  as  he  pleafes,  and  if  he  buys,  he 
does  it  voluntarily :  But  if  th?y  are  abfolute  necejfaritsy  or  conve- 
niencts,  which  ufe  and  cuftom  have  made  requifite  for  the  comfort 
of  life,  and  which  he  is  not  permitted,  by  the  power  impofing  the 
duty,  to  get  el/tnuhtre,  there  the  feller  has  a  plain  advantage,  and 
•  the  buyer  muft  pay  the  duty.  In  faft,  the  feflcr  is  nothing  lefs 
than  a  colleftor  of  the  tax  for  the  power  that  impofed  it.  If  thefe 
duties  then  are  extended  to  the  neceffaries  and  conveniences  of  life 
in  general,  and  enormoufly  encreafed,  the  people  muft  at  length 
become  indeed  "  moft  exquifitely  fenfible  of  their  flavifti  f.iaation." 
Their  happinefs  therefore  entirely  depends  on  tlie  moderation  of 
thofe  who  have  authority  to  impofe  the  duties. 

I  SHALL  now  apply  thefe  obfervations  to  the  late  aft  of  parlia-  ' 
ment.  Certain  duties  are  thereby  impofed  o^  paper  and  glafs,  im-. 
ported  into  thefe  colonies.  By  the  laws  of  Grtat-Briiain  we  are 
prohibited  to  get  thefe  articles  from  any  other  part  of  the  world. 
We  cannot  at  prefent,  nor  for  many  years  to  come,  tho'  we  fhould 
^pply  ourfclves  to  thefe  manufactures  with  the  utmoft  induftry, 
make  enough  ourfelves  for  our  own  ufe.  That  paper  and  glafs  are 
not  only  convenient,  but  abfolutely  neceffary  for  us,  I  imagine 
very  few  will  contend.  Some  perhaps,  who  think  mankind  grew 
wicked  and  luxurious,  as  foon  as  they  found  out  another  way  of 
communicating  their  fentiments  than  by  fpeech,  and  another  way 
of  dwelling  than  in  caves,  may  advance  fo  whimfical  an  opinion. 
But  I  prefume  no  body  will  take  the  unneceflary  trouble  of  refut- 
ing them.  '  ♦  ; 

From 

f  MonttfyuMi  Spirit  tf  Lavit,  B"  if.  13,  Chaf.  8. 


\l\? 


sd  author,  "  fom* 
F  the  commodity ; 
f  upon  merchan-> 
,hich  the  duty  ex- 
e  commodity.  In 
ibjefts  plainly  fee 
hich  renders  them 
"  From  hence  it 
mifery  by  this  fort 
ill  be  as  much  im- 
in  this  way  as  in 
>re  evident,  by  at- 

:y  at  firft,  will  not 
He  therefore  pro- 
tay  then  be  faid  to 
;  to  buy,  who  fhall 
lature  of  the  com- 
If  they  are  mere 
nd  if  he  buys,  he 
ueffdritSy  or  conve- 
fite  for  the  comfort 
)ower  impofing  the 
in  advantage,  and 
ler  is  nothing  lefs 
pofed  it.  If  thefe 
onvenknces  of  life 
pie  mull  at  length 
r  flavilh  f.iaation." 
the  moderation  of 

;  late  aft  of  parlia-  ' 
aper  and  glafs,  im-. 
reat-Britain  we  are 

part  of  the  world, 
me,  tho'  we  fhould 
le  utmoft  induftry, 
paper  and  glafs  are 

for  us,  I  imagine 
ink  mankind  grew 
out  another  way  of 
1,  and  another  way 
imfical  an  opinion, 
y  trouble  of  refut- 
"  #.v  -■ 
,     From. 


[    37    ] 

From  thefe  remarks  I  think  it  evident,  tha'  we  «a/?  ufe  paper 
and  glafs ;  that  what  we  ufe,  muji  be  Britijh ;  and  that  we  muji 
pay  the  duties  impofed,  unlefs  thofe  who  fell  thefe  articles,  are  fo 
generous  as  to  make  us  prefents  of  the  duties  they  pay. 

Some  perfons  may  think  this  aft  of  no  confequence,  becauie  the 
duties  are  fo/mall.  A  fatal  error.  Tiat  is  the  very  circumitance 
moll  alarming  to  me.  For  I  am  convinced,  that  the  authors  of  this 
law  would  never  have  obtained  an  aft  to  raife  fo  trifling  a  fum  as  it 
mull  do,  had  they  not  intended  by  it  to  eftablifti  a  precedent  for  fu- 
ture ufe.  To  confole  ourfclves  with  the /maiitu/i  of  the  duties,  is 
to  walk  deliberately  into  the  fnare  that  is  fet  for  us,  praifing  the 
tiesunejs  of  the  workmanihip.  Suppofe  the  duties  impofed  by  the 
late  aft  could  be  paid  by  thefe  dillrefled  colonies  with  the  utmoft 
cafe,  and  that  the  purpofes  to  which  they  are  to  be  applied,  were 
the  moll  reafonahle  and  equitable  that  can  be  conceived,  the  con- 
trary of  which  I  hope  to  demonftrate  before  thefe  letters  are  con- 
cluded ;  yet  even  in  fuch  a  fuppofed  cafe,  thefe  colonies  ought  to 
regard  the  aft  with  abhorrence.  For  who  are  a  free  people  ? 
Not  tio/e,  over  whom  government  is  reafonably  and  equitably  ex- 
ercifed,  but  tio/e,  who  live  under  a  government  fp  conftitutionaUy 
checked  and  controuUdy  that  proper  proviiion  is  made  againft  its 
being  otherwife  cxercifed. 

The  late  aft  is  founded  on  the  deftruftion  of  this  confiitutional  i 
fecurity.  If  the  parliament  have  a  right  to  lay  a  duty  of  Four  Shil- 
lings  and  Eight-pence  on  a  hundred  weight  of  glafs,  or  a  ream  of 
paper,  they  have  a  right  to  lay  a  duty  of  any  other  fum  on  either. 
They  may  raife  the  duty,  as  the  author  before  quoted  fays  has  been 
done  in  fome  countries,  till  it  "  exceeds  feventeen  or  eighteen 
times  the  value  of  the  commodity."  In  fhort,  if  they  have  a 
right  to  levy  a  tax  of  ^ne  penny  upon  us,  they  have  a  right  to  levy  a 
million  upon  us :  For  where  does  their  right  flop  ?  At  any  given 
number  of  Pence,  Shillings  or  Pounds  \  To  attempt  to  limit  their 

right,  after  granting  it  to  exift  at  all,  is  as  contrary  to  reafon as 

granting  it  to  exilt  at  all,  is  contrary  to  jullice.     If  they  have  any 
right  to  tax  lu-    then,  whether  our  onjun  money  fliall  continue  in  pur 
o-wn  pockets  or  not,    depends    no    longer  on  «/,    but  on   them 
X  "  1  here  is^  nothing    vhirh"  we  "  can  call  our  own ;  or,  to  ufe 
the  words  of  Mr.  Locke-  -viwk-v  troperty  have"   we   ' 

THAT,    WHICH    ^  NOTH     R    MAY,    'JV    RIGHT,    TAKE,     WHEN 
PLEASES,    TO   HiMSri.P?" 

Thefe  duties,  which  will  inevitably  bt  levied  upon  us— which  are 
now  levying  upon  us— sr?  exprejly  \xiii  for  the  sole  purposi 
OF  TAKING  money.  TL=s  is  the  true  definition  of  *' taxes" 
They  are  therefore  taxes.    This  meney  ii  to  be  taken  from  ut. 

•':  ■'■;   r,        .  wt 

\  lord  Camidtn't  fpeech.  ' 


IN 

HE 


4i 


itT' 


[    38    ] 

We  are  therefore  taxed.  Thofi  who  are  taxed  without  their  own 
confent,  expreffedbythmfehes  or  their  reprefentatives.  are/^w.. 
Te  are  taxed  without  our  own  confent,  expreffed  by  ourfelves  or 
our  reprefentatives.     We  are  therefore §  *i  L  A  V  il,  b. 


Miferabile  -vulgus. 
A  miferable  tribe. 


A     FARMER. 


col 


i  '; 


m 


4  "  It  h  my  opinion,  that  thi.  kingdom  has  no  nght  to  lay  a  tax  upon  the 
,?.„i„".."  The^Jri«n.are  the  sons,  not  the  basta.ds  of  £«iW. 
The  d.ftinftion  between  ,.f.gis..at.on  and  taxation  is  effentially  ne- 
::aJlo\iZny'---''rhecor.^or.,  of  yimerica,  reprefented  .n  the.r  feveral 
rffS.l:.:'S^vet  been   in  porremon  of  .hi.  the...^^^^^^^^ 

VL^VE:  if  theTh^  "^otYn  oVed":-     "The  idea  of  ^  .,W  repnj... 
fu/osI.erJ\n\L  houfe,  is  (he  moft  contemp.ible  >".'»>«.«»*'■  -'"«'> 

ro"the  head  of  man 1:  doe,  not  ^^^-;;i;;r;;::r;;rV..,      ■.. 

Tl,,f  «eat  and  excellent  man  Lord  Ca«W«,  maintains  the  .  m^  0(.  ^  -, 
HiTfp  efh  fn  the  houfe  of  peers,  on  the  declarator,  bill  of  the  '■■'-^'i^^y;^ 
C  L  Br/Wi»  over  the  colonies,  has  lately  appeared  .n  our  papers.  Ihr  tol- 
Crw«-«"W'«  o"f  „"  f-aiv  aeree  with,  and  confirm  the  fentiments  avowed  in 
htfclettVrsiLt  if  i  ho  ed  t^inferlg  them  in  thip  note  will  be  excufed. 
*''«' A,  "e  ffl  r  is  of  the  u.moji  importance  and  in  it,  conf.quence.  m,y  .«. 
AS  I «  . "  '  ,         J      <   ^    ftriaeft  review  of  my  arguments  j  I  re- 

,„lvethe>«^  *-»«rf»^.^  if  ,f„„„a  „yf,f  „ift,j,e„, 

"Xk  ;  to  own  my  m'ftake    and  give  up  my  opinion  :  But  -y  f"rche.  have 
Sr^^e^fcl'^-^-N^^^^^ 

our  viuls."  .        .  »  ;•, I  ^iii  inaintaia  it  to  aiy  laft  hour- — 

"  "l^r/'lr.'VpalV;;  "aT,o„  are  i^fc  aTabre-..thi,  pofitln  is  f.unded 
■"\Ve  Uwsof  n«"ei  it  ismore,  it  i,  itf.lf  ah  «t.»nal  law  o,  na- 
•"  ..  .  frwha"ever  i   a  man's  own,  is  abfolutely  hi.  own  ;   no  man  hath 

TU««}    '*"  !:   "     ,T     ,ROM   HIM    WITHOOT    HIS    CONSENT,   either  CX- 

*  'ir'j"Jl.'imfelforreDrefentative;  vibotvtr  attempt,  to  da  it,  aitmpt,  an  injury ; 
preffedbyhtmfelforreprelenta^^  ^^^^^g^y    „,  .^hrows  down 

WHO«V«It     DOBS     'T,   Ct/MMJiO^  ,  .^^^j 

"' -:r:rrthe'roro''bfcuV"c\TnV:".he\ingdom     which  i.  not, 

•  bttdt  ofgrajt,  in  «"=  •"       ,         .     co-Ajtution  began  t  There  is  not  a  HaJe 

•/4;ffor:fit;.ofthe^„.;-.«didn^ 

3eft  themfelve.  «o-7idt?  [v:"uVt£f:igh.:  ^ThV  looked  for  proteftion 
"  .  «r Ar  c H  A ,;.,%'om  their  mother  country.     By  her  they  expefted  to  be 
5:?ere«U;o„ofthei. 

ftouldihc  P«f«"'P°*V  .oufeth^  words  of  Mr.iotfc.  "  fTHAT  PRO. 

^'''■'^ZVu:^rF''rHEr%rrJ^T,1rHicH  another  mat, 

^/r^llG^T^'TAKE^'wHlNHB    PLEASES,    70     HIM- 
SELFf"  It 


lOut  their  own 
Ives,  ZKjla'ves. 
by  ourfelvcs  or 
VES. 


I    39    1 


LETTER 


VJII. 


R  M  E  R. 

r  A  TAX  upon  the 
«DS  of  England." 
N  is  eflentially  ne- 
ed in  their  feveral 
ttutional  right,  of 
would  have  been 
I  virtual  rtpreftnia- 
that  ever  entered 
tion." 

the  frjir^-.  •■"^. 
the  i'tnr  Of.  ,a'  ■ 
the   ''i"i. rfigi^'V  <'■ 
papers.    TKr  fol- 
itiments  avowed  in 
will  be  excufed. 
ifequences  may  in- 
I  arguments  ;  I  re- 
myfelf  miftkken, 
t  my  fearches  have 
ive  NO  RIGHT 
it  is  as  old  as  the 

"  Taxation 

bath  joined  them  : 
to  do  it,  is  to  ftab 

to  my  laft  hour-— 
policion  is  founded 
(At  LAW  01  na- 
,  ;    NO  MAN   HATH 

N8«NT,  either  ex- 
,  atttmptt  an  injury  i 

X    THROWS    DOWN 

,"...«'  There  is  not 
im,  which  is  not, 
There  is  not  a  ilaJt 
It  of  tht  propritfr" 
e  country,  and  fub. 

;CXD   TO  A   BTATB 

olced  for  proteAton, 
hey  expeAed  to  be 
deprived  of  it ;   For 

WHICH    THXY   CAM 

«  fTHAr  PRO. 
lOTHER  MAY, 
ES,    TO     HIM- 

It 


My  dear  Countrymen, 

IN  my  opinion,  a  dangerous  example  is  fet  in  the  latl  aft  re- 
lating to  thefe  colonies.  The  power  of  parliament  to  levy 
money  upon  us  for  raifmg  a  revenue,  is  therein  wvoived  and 
exerted.  Regarding  the  aft  on  this  fingle  principle,  I  rouft  again 
repeat,  and  I  think  it  my  duty  to  repeat,  that  to  me  it  appears  ^o 
be  unconftitutional. 

No  man,  who  confiders  the  conduft  of  the  parliament  fir.ce  the 
repeal  of  the  Stamp-ASl,  and  the  difpofition  of  many  people  at 
home,  can  doubt,  that  the  chief  objeft  of  attention  there,  is,  to 
ufe  Mr.  Greeni/illeh  expreffion,  "  providing  that  the  dependence 
and  OBEDIENCE  of  the  colonies  he  aflerted  and  maintained." 

Under  the  influence  of  this  notion,  inltantly  on  repealing  the 
Stantp-Afl,  an  aft  paifed,  declaring  the  power  of  parliament  to 
bind  thefe  colonies  in  all  cafes  ivhatevtr.  This  however  vas  only 
planting  a  barren  tree,  that  caft  a  fiade  indeed  over  the  colonies, 
but  yielded  no/rw;V.  It  being  determined  to  enforce  the  authoritv 
on  which  the  8tamp-All  was  founded,  the  parliament  having  never 
renounced  the  right,  as  Mr,  Pitt  advifed  them  to  do ;  and  it  be- 
ing thought  proper  to  difguife  that  authority  in  fuch  a  manner,  as 
not  again  to  alarm  the  colonies  ;  fome  little  time  was  required  to 
find  a  method,  by  which  both  thefe  points  fliould  be  united.  At 
laft  the  ingenuity  of  Mr.  Greenville  and  his  party  accompliflied 
the  matter,  as  it  was  thought,  in  "  an  aft  for  granting  certain  duties 
in  the  Britijh  colonies  and  plantations  in  America,  for  allowing 
drawbacks,"  Wr.  which  is  the  title  of  the  aft  laying  duties  on 
paper,  lie. 

The  parliament  having  feveral  times  before  impofed  duties  to  be 
pa!i  in  America,  it  was  expected,    no  doubt,  that  thb 

■"PETITION    OF    SUCH  A   MEASURE    WOULD    BE     PASSED    OVER,       . 

•3  ^N  USUAL  THING.     But  to  havc  done  this,  without  exprefly  J 
'    afferting  and  maintaining"  the  power  of  parliament  to  take  our 
money  without  our  confent,  and  to  apply  it  as  they  plcafe,  would 

toot 

It  is  impoflible  to  read  this  fpeech,  and  Mr.  Pitt"*,  and  not  be  charmed  with  i  \ 
the  generous  xeal  for  the  rights  of  mankind  that  glows  in  every  fentencc.  I  { 
Thefe  great  and  good  men,  animated  by  the  fubjeft  they  fpeak  upon,  feem  to     ^ 
rife  nbove  all  the  former  glorious  exertions  of  their  abilities.     A  toreignet 
migh    be  tempted  to  think  they  are  Amtricam,  afferting,  with  all  the  .irdur  of 
pltriotifm,  and  all  the  anxiety  of  apprehenfion,  the  cauft  ot  their  riai  rve  land--- 
and  not  Brilont,  ftriving  to  flop  their  miftaken   countrymen    from  oppreAing 
others.     Their  reafoning  is  not  only  juft — it  if,  as  Mr,  Hunt  (".;      >»  the  tio^ 
quence  of  Dimefthtntt,  "  vehement."     It  is  difdain,  anger,  boldneft,  freedom, 
iavslved  in  a  continual  ftrcana  of  argument. 


T 


''*""ll(||llMil»» 


4  li 


Mj 


I 


\ 


•*( 


\\ 


if 


[    40    ] 

not  have  been,  in  Mr.  Green<viHis  opinion,  fufficiently  declaralivft 
of  its  fupremacy,  nor  furiiciently  depreflive  ot  ^«*.7V««  freedom. 

Therefore  it  is,  that  in  this  memorable  adl  we  find  it  exprcjiy 
"  provided,"  that  money  fhall  be  levied  upon  us  without  our  con> 
fcnt,  for  purposes,  that  render  it,  if  pofftbU,  more  dreadful  than 

the  Stamp' Ail.  .       ,      ,  u      u 

That  aa,  alarming  as  it  was,  declared,  the  money  thereby  to 
be  raifed,  ftiould  be  applied  "  towards  dctraying  the  expences  of 
defending,  protedir"  and  fecuring  the  Brittjh  colonies  and  plan- 
tations m  America    '  And  it  is  evident  from  the  whole  aft,  that  by 
the  word  "  Brjh,"  were  intended  colonies  and  plantationsy*///^^ 
by  Britifh  people,  and  not  generally,  thoje  Juhjeil  to  the  Britilh  fr<««;«. 
That  aft  therefore  feemed  to  have  fomething  gentle  and  kind  in  its 
•^ention,  and  to  aim  only  at  our  onun  nveljare  :    But  the  aft  now 
icfted  to,  impofes  duties  upon  the  Brit-Jh  colonies,  "  to  defray 
e  expences  of  defending,  protefting  and  fecuring  his  Majefty  $ 
DOMINIONS  in  America."  . 

What  a  chanzt  of  words!  What  an  incomputable  addition  to  the 
expences  intended  by  the  Stamp- Acl !  "  //»  Majcflfs  dominions 
comprehend  not  only  the  Britilh  colonies,  but  alfo  the  conquered  pro- 
vinces of  Canada  and  Florida,  and  the  Bntiih  garrifons  tf  Nova- 
Scotia  ;  for  thefe  do  not  deferve  the  name  of  colonies. 

What  juftice  is  there  in  making  us  pay  for  "  defending,  pro- 
teftine  and  fecuring"  these  places?  What  benefit  can  we,  or 
>a've%n  ever  derived /rcw  them?  None  of  them  was  conquered 
for  us  ;  nor  will  "  be  defended,  protefted  or  fccured    fjir  us. 

In  fad,  however  advantageous  the  fubduing  or  keeping  any  of 
thefe  countries  may  be  to  Great-Britain,  the  acquifiuon  is  greatly 
injurious  to  thefe  colonies.  Our  chief  property  confifts  inlands. 
Thefe  would  have  been  of  much  greater  value,  if  fuch  prodigious 
additions  had  not  been  made  to  the  Brit^jh  territories  on  this  con- 
tinent. The  natural  increafe  of  our  own  people,  if  confined  with- 
in  the  colonies,  would  have  raifed  the  value  Ihll  higher  end  higher 
every  fifteen  or  twenty  years  :  Befides,  we  Ihould  have  lived  more 
compaaiy  together,  and  have  been  therefore  more  able  to  refift  any 
enemy.  But  now  the  inhabitants  will  be  thinly  Mattered  over  an 
immenfe  region,  as  thofe  who  want  fettlements,  will  chufe  to  mak<J 
new  ones,  rather  than  pay  great  prices  for  old  ones. 

These  are  the  confequences  to  the  colonies,  of  the  hearty 
afliftance  they  gave  10  Great-Britain  in  the  late  war — a  war  umier- 
taken  fotely  for  her  o^vn  benefit.  The  objefts  of  it  were,  the  fecunng 
to  herfelf  the  rich  trafts  of  land  on  the  back  of  thefe  coIorues» 
with  the  Indian  trade  ;  and  Nova-Scotia,  with  the  fiftiery.  Thefe, 
and  much  more,  has  that  iingdom  gained;  but  the  inferi^  animals, 
that  hunted  with  the  lion,  have  been  amply  rewarded  for  all  the 
fweat  and  blood  their  loyalty  coft  them,  by  the  honor  of  having 
fweated  and  bled  in  fuch  company. 

1,  WI L  L 


i  ^- .  - 


tly  declaralivift 
can  freedom, 
find  it  exprcjly 
thout  our  con> 
I  dreadful  than 

ney  thereby  to 
le  expences  of 
nies  and  plan- 
le  aitX,  that  by 
vntdAioai  JtttleJ 
•  Britiih  crown. 
ind  kind  in  its 
ut  the  aA  now 
s,  "  to  defray 
g  his  Majefty's 

addition  to  the 
r  dominions" 
:  conquered  pro- 
•i/ont  of  Nova- 
r. 

efending,  pro- 
:fit  can  we,  or 
was  conquered 
A"  far  us. 
keeping  any  of 
ition  is  greatly 
>nfifts  in  landst 
'uch  prodigious 
:s  on  this  con- 
coafined  with- 
;her  and  higher 
lave  lived  more 
}le  to  refill  any 
ittered  over  an 
1  chufe  to  make 

of  the  hearty 
— a  war  umier- 
e,  the  fecuring 
thefe  colonies* 
fifliery.  Thefe, 
nferitr  animals, 
aed  for  all  the 
jnor  of  having 

I  WILL 


[    41     ] 

I  WILL  not  go  fo  fir  as  to  fiy,  that  Canada  and  Nova-Scofia  are 
curbs  on  New-Eng/and ;  the  chain  efforts  through  the  back  woods, 
on  the  Middle  Provinces  ;  and  Florida,  on  the  rejl :  But  I  will  ven- 
ture to  fa}',  tliat  if  the  produds  of  Canada,  Ncva-Scotia,  and 
Florida,  defcrvc  any  coniideiation,  the  two  firll  of  them  arc  only 
rivals  of  our  Noithern  Colonics,  and  thi;  otlicr  of  our  Southern. 

It  has  been  faid,  that  without  the  conqiieft  of  thcfe  countries, 
tlic  colonies  could  not  have  bueii  "  piotetlcd,  defended  and  fe- 
cured."  If  that  is  true,  it  may  witli  as  much  propriety  be  faid, 
tliat  Grent-Britain  could  not  have  been  "  defcndtd,  protcfted  and 
fecured,"  without  tliat  coiuiuell :  For  the  colonies  are  parts  of  her 
empire,  which  it  cu  much  concerns  her  as  them  to  k;2ep  out  of  the 
hands  of  any  otlicr  power. 

But  thcf.'  tulunii.s,  when  they  were  much  weaker,  defended 
themfelvcs,  before  tins  Conqudl  was  made  ;  and  could  again  do 
it,  againil  any  that  might  properly  be  called  their  Enemies.  If 
France  and  Spain  indeed  fnould  attack  them,  as  memiers  of  the 
Biitilh  empire,  perhaps  they  .night  be  dillicfled  j  but  it  would  be 
in  a  Britijr  quaiiel. 

The  l.irgi,fi;  .iccount  I  have  feen  of  the  number  of  people  in 
Canada,  docs  not  make  them  excetd  90,000.  Florida  can  hardly 
be  faid  to  have  any  inhabitants.  It  is  computed  that  there  arc  in 
our  colonies  3,000,000.  Our  force  therefore  mud  increafe  with  a 
difproportion  to  tlie  growth  of  their  ftrength,  that  would  render  us 
very  fafe. 

This  being  the  ft;;te  of  the  cafe,  I  cannot  think  it  jult  i:hat 
thefe  colonies,  labouring  under  fo  many  misfortunes,  (hould  be 
loaded  with  taxes,  iu  maintain  countries,  not  only  not  ufeful,  but 
hurtful  to  them.  The  fupport  of  Canada  and  Florida  coll  yearly, 
it  is  faid,  half  a  million  ilerling.  From  hence,  we  may  make 
fome  guefs  <5f  the  load  that  is  to  be  laid  upon  us  ;  for  we  are  not 
only  to  "  defend,  proteft  and  fecure"  them,  but  alfo  to  make  "  an 
adequate  provifion  for  defraying  the  charge  of  the  adnuniftration 
of  juftice,  and  the  fupport  of  civil  government,  in  fuch  province* 
where  it  fliall  be  found  necell'ary." 

Not  one  of  the  provinces  of  Canada,  Nova-Scctia,  at  Florida,  ' 
has  ever  defrayed  thefe  expences  iviii/ni  itfelf:  And  if  the  duties  im- 
pofed  by  the  lall  llatute  are  coUefted,  all  of  them  together,  according 
to  the  belt  information  I  can  get,  wi.i  not  pay  one  quarter  as  much 
as  Pcnnfylvania  alone.  So  that  the  Bt  itijh  colonies  are  to  be  drained 
of  the  rewards  of  their  labor,  to  chcriih  tlie  fccrching  fands  of 
Florida,  and  the  icy  rocks  of  Canada  and  Aova-Scoiia,  whicli.never 
will  return  to  us  one  farthing  that  we  feud  to  them. 

Great-Biutain 1  mean,  the  minillry  in  Great-Britain.,  has 

cantoned  Canada  and  Florida  out  intoyfi?  ory;;^  governments,  and 
may  form  as  many  mere.  There  now  .t  fourteen  g\  fifteen  regi- 
ments on  this  continent  J  and  there  fyon  may  be  as  mavy  mere.    To 

F  nulc 


wl 


,\ 


I  42  ] 

make  •'  an  adequate  provifion"  for  all  these  expences,  is, 
no  doubt,  to  be  the  inheritance  of  the  colonies. 

Can  any  man  believe  that  the  duties  upon  paper,  iSc.  are  the 
lajl  that  will  be  laid  for  thefe  purpofes  ?  h  is  in  vain  to  hone,  that 
becaufe  it  is  imprudent  to  lay  duties  o».  -  >:-.  •  .*^n  ot  manu- 
fafturcs  from  a  mother  country  to  colonies,  as  it  may  promote  ma- 
nufaftures  among  them,  that  this  confideration  will  prevent  fuch  a 

meafure.  .     .  ,  ,     , 

Ambitious,  artful  men  have  made  it  popular,  and  whatever 
itijuOice  or  deftruftion  will  attend  it  in  the  opinion  ot  the  colo- 
nifts,  at  home  it  will  be  thought  juft  and  falutary  *. 

The  people  of  Great-Britain  will  be  told,  and  have  been  told, 
that  t/>ey  are  finking  under  an  immenfe  debt — that  great  part  of 
this  debt  has  been  contrafted  in  defending  the  colonies— that  th/e 
are  fo  ungrateful  and  undutiful,  that  they  will  not  contribute  one 
mite  to  it's  payment— nor  even  to  the  fupport  of  the  army  now  kept 
up  for  their  '« defence  and  fecurity  "—that  they  are  rolling  in  wealth, 
and  are  of  fo  bold  and  republican  a  fpirit,  'that  they  ire  aiming  at 
independence— that  the  only  way  to  retain  them  in  >  obedience," 
is  to  keep  a  ftrift  watch  over  them,  and  to  draw  off  part  of  their 
riches  in  taxes— and  that  every  burden  laid  upon  them,  is  taking  off 
fo  much  from  Great-Britain.— li:he{e  affertions  will  be  generally 
believed,  and  the  people  will  be  perfuaded  that  they  cannot  be  too 
angry  with  their  colonies,  as  that  anger  will  be  profitable  to  them- 

In  truth,  Great-Britain  alone  receives  any  benefit  from  Canada, 
Nova-Scotia  and  Florida  ;  and  therefore  (he  alone  ought  to  maintain 
them.     The  old  maxim  of  the  law  is  drawn  from  reafon  and  juftice, 
and  nev-'-  could  be  more  properly  applied,  than  in  this  cafe. 
^ij'entit  rommodum,  /entire  debet  et  onus.  , 

They  who  feel  the  benefit,  ought  to  feel  the  burden. 

A    F  A  R  M  E  R. 


•  '«  So  credulmi, 
which  flatters  their 


as  well  as  ebftinau,  are  the  people  in  believing  every  thing, 
prevailing  paffion."  Hume'i  Hiji.  of  England. 


LET- 


■"  "ijllWllflf 


EXFENCES,   IS, 

r,  £iff.  are  the 
\  to  hobe,  that 
,ion  of  manu- 
y  promote  ma- 
prevent  fuch  a 

,  and  whatever 
on  of  the  colo- 

lave  been  told, 
t  great  part  of 
nies— that  tf/e/e 
contribute  one 
army  now  kept 
jlling  in  wealth, 
y  ire  aiming  at 
'  obedience," 
off  part  of  their 
rw,  IS  taking  off 
ill  be  generally 
y  cannot  be  too 
>fitable  to  them- 

it  from  Canada, 
ight  to  maintain 
afon  andjuftice, 
I  this  cafe. 

e  burden. 

I  R  M  E  R. 


lieving  ivery  thing, 
Hift,  of  England. 


L  E  T- 


[    43    ] 
LETTER      IX. 


My  dear  Countrymen, 

IH  A  V  E  made  fome  obfervations  on  the  purposes  for  which 
moaey  is  to  be  levied  upon  us  by  the  late  aft  of  parliament. 
I  fliall  now  offer  to  your  confideration  fome  further  refleftions 
on  that  fubjeft  :  And,  unlefs  I  am  greatly  miftaken,  if  thefe  pur- 
pofes  are  accompliflied  according  to  the  exprefed  intention  of  the 
aft,  they  will  be  found  effeftually  to/uperjide  that  authority  in  our 
refpeftive  affemblies,  which  is  effential  to  liberty.  The  queftion 
ii  not,  whether  fome  branches  fliall  be  lopt  off- — The  axe  is  laid 
to  the  root  of  the  tree  ;  and  the  whole  body  xniift  infallibly  perifli, 
if  we  remain  idle  fpeftators  of  the  work. 

No  free  people  ever  exiiled,  or  can  ever  exift,  without  keeping, 
to  life  a  common,  but  ftrong  expreffion,  '«  the  purfe  ftrings,"  in  \ 
their  own  hands.  Where  this  is  the  cafe,  they  have  a  conjiitutional 
check  upon  the  adminiflration,  which  may  thereby  be  brought  into 
order  'without  'violence :  But  where  fuch  a  power  is  not  lodged  in 
the  people,  oppreffion  proceeds  uncontrouled  in  its  career,  till  the 
governed,  tranfported  into  rage,  feek  redrefs  in  the  midll  of  blood 
and  confufion. 

The  elegant  and  ingenious  Mr.  Hume,  fpeaking  of  xht  jinglo 
Norman  government,  fays-—"  Princes  and  Minifters  were  too  ig- 
norant, to  be  themfelves  fenfible  of  the  advantage  attending  an 
equitable  adminiflration,  and  there  was  no  eftabliflied  council  or 
aJimbly,yN HI CH  could  protect  the  people,  and  By  with- 
drawing SUPPLIES,  regularly  and  peaceably  admonilh  the 
king  of  his  duty,  and  ensure  the  execution  ok  the  laws." 

Thus  this  great  man,  whofe  political  refleftions  are  fo  much 
admired,  makes  this  po'u-er  one  of  the  foundations  of  liberty. 

The  Englijh  hiftory  abounds  with  inftances,  proving  that  this  is 
the  proper  and  fuccefsful  way  to  obtain  redrefs  of  grievances.  How 
often  have  kings  and  minilkrs  endeavored  to  throw  off  this  Ittal 
curb  upon  tkem,  by  attempting  to  raifc  money  by  a  varict)'  of  in- 
ventions, under  pretence  of  law,  without  having  recourfe  to  par- 
liament ?  A  I  how  often  have  they  been  brought  to  rcafon,  and 
peaceably  oL  ;ed  to  do  juftice,  by  the  exertion  of  this  coniutu- 
tional  authority  of  the  people,  veftcd  in  their  reprefeniatives  r 

The  inhabitants  of  thefe  colonies  have,  on  niiniberkfs  occa- 
fions,  reaped  the  benefit  of  this  authority  lodged  in  their  t:£',:mbUes. 

It  has  been  for  a  long  time,  and  now  is,  a  conll;;'<t  inflruciion 
to  all  governors,  to  obtain  a  permaneni  fufport  for  tl>  i.jfices  nf 
go'vernment.  But  as  the  author  of  •'  the  adminiilrafion  of  the-  co- 
lonies "  fays,  ««  this  order  of  the  crovn  is  generally,  if  not  uni- 
verfally,  rejefted  by  the  legiflaturcs  of  the  colonics." 


\ 


t^lffli^P" '■'""■■■"■ 


■yy.iiiti      inii^,j.^,fj  II 


[    44    ] 


;r  .! 


r 


Thfy  peifcftlv  know  hzv  war*  their  grievancs  would  be  re- 
garded, if  they  had  nn  ctker  method  of  engaging  attention,  than 
by  complaining.  Thofe  who  rule,  arc  extrenitly  apt  to  think  well 
/if  the  condruflions  made  by  thcmfelves  in  fupport  of  their  owa 
power.  Thefe  are  frequently  eric.necus,  and  pernicious  to  thofe 
they  govern.  Dry  remonflraiices,  to  fliew  that  fiich  coiiiiruftions 
arc  wrong  and  oppreflive,  carry  very  little  svciglu  with  them,  in 
the  opinion  of  pcrfons  who  gratify  their  own  inclinations  in  mak- 
ing thefe  conftruftions.  They  cannot  underftand  the  reafoning 
that  oppofes  their  power  and  defires.  But  let  it  be  made  their  in- 
tenfl  to  underftand  fuch  reafoning- — and  a  wonderftd  light  is  in- 
ftantly  thrown  upon  the  matter  ;  and  then,  rejefted  remonftrances 
become  as  clear  as  *  "  proofs  of  holy  writ." 

The  three  mod  important  articles  that  our  affemblies,  or  any 
legiilaturcs  can  provide  fi)r,  are,  Firft— the  defence  of  the  fociety : 
Secondly— the  adminiftration  of  juftice  :  And  thirdly— the  fupport 
of  civil  government. 

Nothing  can  properly  regulate  the  expence  of  making  pro- 
vifion  for  thefe  occahons,  but  the  iiecejfiiies  of  the  fociety  ;  its 
abilities  ;  the  coni<eniency  of  the  modes  of  levying  money  in  it ;  the 
7nanmr  in  which  the  laws  have  been  executed ;  and  the  conduit  of 
the  officers  of  government :  All  which  are  circumftances,  that  can- 
not poffibly  be  properly  knoiitin,  but  by  the  lociety  itfelf ;  or  if  they 
fliould  be  known,  'will  not  probably  be  properly  confideredhwX  by 
that  fociety. 

If  money  be  raifed  upon  us  by  others^  without  our  confent,  for 
our  "  defence,"  thofe  who  are  the  judges  in  levying  it,  muft  alfo 
be  the  judge*  in  applying  it.  Of  confequence  the  money  Jaid  to  be 
taken  from  us  for  our  defence,  tnay  be  employed  to  our  injury.  We 
may  be  chained  in  by  a  line  of  fortifications — obliged  to  pay  for 

the  building  and  maintaining  them and  be  told,  that  they  are 

for  our  defence.  With  what  face  can  we  difpute  the  faft,  after 
having  granted  that  thofe  who  apply  the  money,  had  a  right  to 
levy  it  ?  For  furcly,  it  is  much  eafier  for  their  wifdom  to  under- 
ftand how  to  apply  it  in  the  beft  manner,  than  how  to  levy  it  in 
the  beft  manner.  Befides,  the  right  of  levying  is  of  infinitely  more 
confequence,  than  that  of  applying.  The  people  of  England,  who 
would  burft  out  into  fury,  if  the  crown  fliould  attempt  to  levy 
money  by  its  own  authority,  have  always  affigned  to  the  crown  the 
■  application  of  mon?y. 

As  to  "  the  adminiftration  of  juftice"- — the  judges  ought,  in 
a  well  regulated  ftate,  to  be  equally  independent  of  the  executive 
and  Icgiflative  powers.  Thus  in  England,  judges  hold  their  com- 
miffions  from  the  crown  "  during  good  behavior,"  and  Have  faiaries, 
fuitable  to  their  dignity,  fettled  on  them  by  parliament.     The 

purity 


i_ 


ics  would  be  re- 
5  attention,  than 
apt  to  think  well 
ort  of  their  owu 
rnicious  to  thofe 
[\ich  coiiiiruftions 
ju  with  them,  in 
linations  in  mak- 
nd  the  reafoning 
be  made  their  in- 
ihrful  light  is  in- 
ted  rcmonftrances 

iflemblies,  or  any 
ice  of  the  fociety : 
rdly — the  fupport 

:  of  making  pro- 
"   the  fociety  ;  its 

money  in  it ;  the 
and  the  conduit  of 
iftances,  that  can- 

itfelf ;  or  if  they 
!  conjidered  but  by 

t  our  confent,  for 
lying  it,  muft  alfo 
e  moacy  Jaid  to  be 
)  ourinjury.  We 
obliged  to  pay  for 
aid,  that  they  are 
ute  the  fa£l,  after 
:y,  had  a  right  to 
wifdom  to  under- 
how  to  levy  it  in 
i  of  infinitely  more 
;  of  England,  who 
i  attempt  to  levy 
d  to  the  crown  the 

judges  ought,  in 
t  of  the  executive 
es  hold  their  com- 

and  Have  falaries, 

■parliament.    The 

purity 


•  [    45    ] 

purity  of  the  courts  of  law  f.nce  this  eftablifhmcnt.  is.  a  proof  of 
the  wifdom  with  which  it  was  made. 

But  in  thefe  colonies,  how  fruitlefs  has  been  everv  attempt  to 
have  the  judges  appointed  '' dwing good  behavior?"  Yet  whoever 
confiders  the  matter  will  foon  perceive,'  i\,^tjuch  cotnmi£ions  are  be- 
yond all  companfon  more  neccllary  in  thefe  colonics,  than  they 
were  in  England.  ' 

The  chief  danger  to  the  fubjeft  there,  vofe  from  the  arbitrary 
dejigns  of  the  crowi ;  but  here,  the  time  may  come,  when  we  may 
have  to  contend  with  the  dcf.gns  of  the  crozvn,  and  of  a  mighty 
iingdom.  Wh'at  then  muil  be  our  chance,  when  the  laws  of  life 
and  death  are  to  be  fpoken, by  judges  totally  dependent  on  that 

(ro-w",  and  that  kingdom fent  over  perhaps  from  thence filled 

With  Britip  pnjudnes.-t,nA  hacked  h  «  standi  kg  «rwy--fupport. 
ed  out  of  OUR  OWN  pockets,  to  "  aUert  and  maintain  "  our  own 
"  dependence  and  obedience." 

But  Aippofing  that  through  the  extreme  lenity  that  will  prevail 
in  the  government  /*..«j^  allfui>tre  ages,  thefe  colonies  will  never 
behold  any  thing  like  the  campaign  of  chief  juftice  Jejereys,  yet 
what  innumerable  adts  of  injulHce  may  be  committed;  and  how 
fatally  may  the  principles  of  liberty  be  fapped,  by  a  fucceffion  of 
judges  utterly  independent  of  the  people?  Before  fuch  judges,  the 
fupple  wretches,  who  cheerfully  join  in  avowing  fcntiments  incon- 
intent  with  freedom,  will  always  meet  with  fmilcs ;  while  the 
honeft  and  brave  men,  who  difdain  to  facrifice  their  native  land  to 
the.r  cwn  advantage,  but  on  e^'ery  occafion  boldly  vindicate  her 
caufe,  will  conftaijtly  be  regarded  with  frowns. 

There  are  two  other  confiderations  relating  to  this  head,  that 
deferve  the  mort  fenous  attention. 

By  the  late  aft,  the  officers  of  the  cuftoms  are  ««  impowered  to 

fn"'rLT> •'/."•''  r°-"''  ^^'f'^'^""^'--'  "i°P.  «H«'-.  or  other  place, 
n  the  Britifo  colonies  or  plantations  in  America,  to  fearch  for  or 
eize  prohibited  or  unaccuiloniec!  goods,"  y..  on  «' writs  granted 
by  the  fupenor  or  fupreme  court  of  ju.iice,  having  jurifdidion  with- 
in fuch  colony  or  plantation  refpeaivelj-." 

If  we  only  refleft,  tliat  the  judges  of  thefe  courts  are  to  be  dur- 
tng  pkaJ«re-.-.lhu  they  are  to  have  "  adequate  provifion"  made 
for  them,  which  is  to  continue  ^«,vV^ /A«>  ««/%^„,  ihavior-..- 
that  they  may  be  /.«^p„v  to  thefe  cobnies-.^vliat  an  engine  of 
oppreffion  may  this  authority  be  in  fuch  hands  ?       '  ^ 

I  AM   well  aware,  that  writs  of  this  kind  may  be  grarted  at 
home    under  the  feal  of  the  court  of  exchequer  :  But  I  Lo"  alfo 
that  the  greateil  aflerters  of  the  rights  of  Engli/hmen  have  alwat 
ftrenuouUy  contended,  that>.^  apLer  was  dfi/gerous  to  freSom 
and  exprelly  contrary  to  the  common  law.  whicli  ever  regarded  a 
man  s  ho-ufe  as  his  callle,  or  a  place  of  perfedl  fecurity. 

If 


if 


-i_. 


--'?*t.' 


[  46  ] 

If  fuch  power  was  in  the  lead  degree  dangerous  there,  it  muft 
be  utterly  deftruftive  to  liberty  here.  For  the  people  there  have 
two  fecurities  againit  the  undue  exercife  of  this  power  by  the 
crown,  which  are  wanting  with  us,  if  the  late  a£l  takes  place. 
In  the  firft  place,  if  any  injuftice  is  done  there,  the  perfon  injured 
may  bring  his  adion  againtt  the  offender,  and  have  it  tried  before 

INDEPENDENT  JUDRES,  who  are  *  NO   PARTIES   IN  COMMITTING 

THE  INJURY.  Here  he  muft  have  it  tried  before  dependent 
JUDGES,  being  the  men  who  granted  the  writ. 

To  fay,  that  the  caufe  is  to  be  tried  by  a  jury,  can  never  recon- 
cile men  who  have  any  idea  of  freedom,  to  fuch  a  ponuer.  For  we 
know  that  fheriffs  in  almoft  every  colony  on  this  continent,  are 
totally  dependent  on  the  crown  ;  and  packing  of  juries  Jias  been 
frequently  praftifed  even  in  the  capital  of  the  Britijh  empire.  Even 
if  juries  are  well  inclined,  we  have  too  many  inftances  of  the  in- 
fluence  of  over-bearing  unjull  judges  upon  them.     The  brave  and 

I  wife  men  who  accomplifhcd  the  revolution,  thought  the  indepen- 

\itncy  of  judges  eflential  to  freedom. 

\      The  other  fecurity  which  the  people  have  at  home,  but  which 

f  we  ihall  want  here,  is  this. 

If  this  power  is  abufed  there,  the  parliament,  the  grand  refource 
of  the  opprefled  pedple",  is  ready  to  afford  relief.  Redrefs  of  grie- 
vances muft  precede  grants  of  money.  But  what  regard  can  ivt 
cxpeft  to  have  paid  to  our  aflemblies,  when  they  will  not  hold 
even  the  puny  privilege  of  French  parliaments — that  of  regiftering, 

'  before  they  are  put  in  execution,  the  edids  that  take  away  our 
money. 

The  fecond  confideration  above  hinted  at,  is  this.     There  is  a 

;  nnfufion  in  our  laws,  that  is  quite  unknown  in  Great-Britain.  As 
this  cannot  be  defcribed  in  a  more  clear  or  exafl  manner,  than  has 
been  done  by  the  ingenious  author  of  the  hiftory  of  Ne'w-Tork,  I 
beg  leave  to  ufe  his  words.  "  The  ftate  of  our  laws  opens  a  door 
to  much  controverfy.  The  ««ffr/«/«/v,  with  refpeft  to  them,  ren- 
ders property  PRECARIOUS,  and  greatly  EXPOSES  us  TO 
THE   ARBITRARY  DECISION  OF   BAD  JUDGES.       The  COmmOD  laW 

of  England  is  generally  received,  together  with  fuch  ftatutes  as 
were  enabled  before  we  had  a  legiflature  of  our  own ;  but  our 
courts  EXERCISE  A  SOVEREIGN  AUTHORITY,  in  determining 
•what  parts  of  the  common  and  flatute  laiu  ought  to  be  extended  : 
For  it  muft  be  admitted,  that  the  difference  of  circumftances  necelTa- 
rily  requires  us,  in  fome  cafes,  to  reject  the  determination  of  both. 
In  many  inftances,  they  have  alfo  extended  even  afts  of  parlia- 
ment, pafted  fince  we  had  a  diftinft  legiflature,  nuhich  is  greatly 

adding 

*  The  writs  for  fearching  houfes  in  England,  are  to  be  granted  "  under  the 
feal  of  the  court  of  exchequer,"  according  to  the  ftatute — and  that  feal  it  kept 
by  the  chancellor  of  the  exchequer,    t^b  Inft.   \  104. 


■( 


IS  there,  it  muft 
>ple  there  have 
power  by  the 
£1  takes  place. 
;  perfon  injured 
c  it  tried  before 

COMMITTING 
e    DEPENDENT 

r. 

an  never  recon- 

ietuer.     For  we 

continent,  are 
juries  nas  been 

empire.  Even 
nces  of  the  in- 
The  brave  and 
ht  the  iudepen- 

me,  but  which 

;  grand  refource 
Redrefs  of  grie- 
:  regard  can  ive 
will  not  hold 
it  of  regiftering, 
take  away  our 

is.  There  is  a 
ut-Britain.  As 
inner,  than  has 
of  Ne-M-Tork,  I 
hvs  opens  a  door 

to  them,  REN- 
xpdsES  us  TO 
he  common  law 
fuch  ftatutes  as 

own ;  but  our 
in  determining 
)  be  extended  : 
mftances  necefla- 
mination  of  both, 
I  a£ts  of  parlia- 
uhich  is  greatly 
adding 

anted  "  under  the 
id  that  feal  it  kept 


■       >  [   47    ] 

adding  to  our  cenfufion.  The  praAice  of  our  courts  is  no  lefs  unctr- 
tain  than  the  law.  Some  of  the  Englijh  rules  are  adopted,  others 
rejedled.  Two  things  therefore  feem  to  be  absolutely  neces- 
sary for  the  PUBLIC  security.  Firft,  the  pafling  an  aft  for 
fettling  the  extent  of  the  Englifl>  laws.  Secondly,  that  the  courts 
ordain  a  general  fett  of  rules  for  the  regulation  of  the  praftice." 

How  eafy  it  will  be,  under  this  "  ftate  of  our  laws,"  for  an 
artful  judge,  to  aft  in  the  moft^  arbitrary  manner,  and  yet  cover 
his  conduA  under  fpecious  pretences ;  and  how  difficult  it  will  be 
for  the  injured  people  to  obtain  relief,  may  be  readily  perceived. 
We  may  take  a  voyage  of  3000  miles  to  complain  j  and  after  the 
trouble  and  hazard  we  have  undergone,  we  may  be  told,  that  the 
colledtion  of  the  revenue,  and  maintenance  of  the  prerogative, 
muft  not  be  difcouraged— -and  if  the  mifbehavior  is  fo  groft  as  to 
admit  of  no  juftification,  it.  may  be  faid,  that  it  was  an  error  in 
judgment  onlyi  arifing  from  the  confufion  of  our  laws,  and  the 
zeal  of  the  King's  fervants  to  do  their  duty. 

1/  the  commiffions  of  judges  are  during  the  pltafurt  of  the  crown, 
yet  if  their  falaries  are  during  the  pleafure  of  the  people,  there  will 
be>H*  check  upon  their  conduft.  Few  men  will  confent  to  draw 
on  themfelves  the  hatred  and  contempt  of  thofe  among  whom  they 
live,  for  tjie  empty  honor  of  being  judges.  It  is  the  fordid  love  of 
Min,  that  tempts  men  t©  turn  their  backs  on  virtue,  and  pay  their 
homage  where  they  ought  not. 

As  to  the  third  particular,  "  the  fupport  of  civil  aovemment  " 
....few  words  will  be  fufficient.  Every  man  of  the  leaft  under- 
ftanding  muft  know,  that  the  executive  power  may  be  exercifed  in 
a  manner  {o  difagreeable  and  harraffing  to  the  people,  that  it  is 
abfolutely  requifite,  that  thej  Ihould  be  enabled  by  the  gentleft 
method  which  human  policy  has  yet  been  ingenious  enough  to  in- 
wnt,  that  is,  by  Jhutting  their  hands,  to  «  admqnish"  (as  Mr. 
Hunuivji)  certain  perfons  "  of  their  duty." 

What  ftiall  we  now  think  when,  upon  looking  into  the  late 
aa,  we  find  the  affemblies  of  thefe  provinces  thereby  ftript  of  their 
authority  on  thefe  feveral  heads  F  The  ^*f/ar*</ intention  of  the  aft 

If/r'TXTT^^^rr'^'""'  '^°"'**  ^  "''"'**  '"  ""  Majesty's  DO- 
MINIONS in  America,  for  making  a  more  certain  and  ade- 
quate provifion  for  defraying  tie  charge  of  the  administration 
OF  justice,  and  the  fupport  of  civil  government  in  fuch  pro- 
vmces  where  it  ftiall  be  found  neceflary,  and  towards  further  de- 
fraying  the  expences  of  DETRuviKO,  protecting  and  securing 
the   said  dominions." 

Let  the  reader  paufe  here  one  moment—and  refleft— whether 
the  colony  in  which  he  lives,  has  not  made  fuch  "  certain  and 
adequate  provifu)ii"/«r/V/«r/»/",  as  is  by  the  colony  judged  fuitab/e 

tottsabtUttes,  and  all  other  circumftances.     Then  let  him  refleft 

Whether  if  this  aft  takes  piace,  money  is  not  to  be  raifed"  on  that 

colony 


I 


!  ! 


I!" 


■I 


v|;   J 


■lilM^WI  |l)l|       J  ji.  n. 


[      48      ] 

colony  without  its  ctnj'iiit,  to  make  "  provilion  "  y„r  thefe  purpofn, 
which  /'/  does  not  jud^'^t  to  be  Jiiitahh  to  its  ahilitiies,  and  all  othtr 
tinumjiiviccs.  Laltly.  lei  liinj  rtHcct — whttlu'r  the  people  of  that 
country  are  not  in  a  ftate  of  the  moll  .ibjed  Ihivery,  •wh.j'e  pro- 
pirty  may  he  taken  j'r(,m  than  under  tlie  notion  of  light,  ivheii  thry 
haxie  ri'j'ujed  to  give  it. 

For  my  p;iit,  1  think  I  have  j>ood  leifon  for  vindicariiijr  th(r 
honor  of  the  al]cnil)U^i  on  this  cominoit,  liy  public  iy  a(]irtin}j, 
that  TH.KY  have  made  as  "  (trtnin  and  udetfuate provijioti"  for  the 
purpojes  abo'vemenlioiud,  as  they  taught  to  liu-vf.  made,  and  that  it  ihould 
not  be  prefumcd,  that  they  will  not  do  it  hertafter.  Why  then 
(hould  theft  moft  impurtuHt  trujis  be  wrelR'd  out  of  their  hands  ? 
Why  fliould  they  not  now  be  permitted  to  enjoy  that  authority, 
which  they  have  exercifed  from  the  full  fettlement  of  thefe  colo- 
nics ?  vVhy  Ihould  they  be  fcandalized  by  this  innovation,  when 
their  rcfpeilive  provinces  ^re  now,  and  will  be,  for  feveral  years, 
laboring  under  loads  of  debt,  impofed  on  them  for  thu  very  pur- 

!>ofe  now  fpoken  of  ?  Why  fliould  all  the  inhabitants  of  thefe  co- 
onics  be,  with  the  utmoll  indignity,  treated  as  a  herd  of  defpicable 
flupid  wretches,  fo  utterly  void  of  common  fcnfe,  that  they  will 
not  even  make  "  adequate  provifion"  for  the  "  adminiftration  of 
juflice,  and  the  fupport  of  civil  government"  amor  em,  or  for 
their  own  "  defence  "—though  without  fuch  "|  mi"  every 

people  muil  inevitably  be  o\erwhelmed  with  ana'  .1  deftruc- 

tion  ?  Is  it  polFible  to  form  an  idea  of  a  flavery  more  eompUat, 
more  miferahle,  more  difgraceful,  than  that  of  a  people,  where 
jujUce  is  adminijhred,  government  exerciftd,  and  a  Jianding  army 
maintained,  at  the  kxpence  of  the  people,  and  yet  witu- 
o';t  the  least  uependence  upon  them?  If  we  can  £nd  no 
relief  from  this  infamous  fituation,  it  will  be  fortunate  for  us,  if 
Mr.  Greenville,  fetting  his  fertile  fancy  again  at  work,  can,  as  by 
one  exertion  of  it  he  has  llript  us  of  our  property  and  liberty,  by 
another  deprive  us  of  lo  much  of  our  underftanding ;  that,  uncon- 
fcious  of  what  we  ha've  been  or  are,  and  ungoaded  by  tormenting 
refleftior.s,  we  may  bow  down  our  necks,  with  all  the  Aupid  fere- 
nity  of  fervitude,  to  ajiy  drudgery,  which  our  lords  and  mailers 
Ihall  p'eafe  to  command. 

When  the  charges  of  the  ".adminiftration^  of  juftice,"  the 
"  fapport  of  civil  government,"  and  the  expences  of  "  defend- 
ing, protefting  and  fecuring "  us,  are  provided  for,  I  Ihould  be 
glad  to  know,  upon  iiuhat  oceaftons  the  crown  will  ever  call  our 
afi^emblies  together.  Some  few  of  them  may  meet  of  their  own 
accord,  by  virtue  of  tlieir  charters.  But  what  will  they  have  to 
do,  when  they  are  met  ?  To  what  (hadows  will  they  be  reduced  ? 
The  men,  whofe  deliberations  heretofore  had  an  influence  on  every 
matter  relating  to  the  liberty  and  happinefs  of  themfelves  and  their 
conlUtuents,  and  whofe  authority  in  domefliic  affairs  at  leait,  might 

well 


"W 


fiir  thrfe  piirpnff!, 
ifs,  and  all  other 
ic  people  of  that 
ivt'ry.  'Jvlyje  pro- 
right,  ivhoi  they 

r  vindicating  the 
ublicl/  afltTting, 
firovijion"  for  the 
and  that  it  Ihould 
liter.     Why  then 
of  their  hands  ? 
iy  that  authority, 
:iu  of  thefe  colo- 
innovation,  when 
for  fcveral  years, 
for  the  vcr)'  pur- 
tants  of  thefe  co- 
herd  of  defpi  cable 
fe,  that  they  will 
'  adminiftfation  of 
lor        em,  or  for 
]  in"  every 

a-  ,1  deftruc- 

ry   more  eotnpleat, 
a  people,    where 
1  a  /landing  army 
E,  and  yet  with- 
If  we  can  find  no 
)rtun3te  for  us,  if 
work,  can,  as  by 
rty  and  liberty,  by 
ling ;  that,  uncon- 
ded  by  tormenting 
all  the  ftupid  fere- 
lords  and  mailers 

i^  of  juftice,"  the 
;nces  of  "  defend- 
d  for,  I  fliould  be 
will  ever  call  our 
meet  of  their  own 
will  they  have  to 
.  they  be  reduced  ? 
1  influence  on  every 
lemfelves  and  their 
Fairs  at  leaft,  might 
well 


V 


I 


aw*""-*' 


[    49    ] 

well  be  compared  to  that  of  Roman  renaton,  will  niw  find  their 
d '^liberations  of  no  more  confequeno:,  thas  diofe  of  ttnftuhht. 
Til ./  may  perhaps  be  allowed  to  make  laws  jfor  the  yoking  of  hogs, 
otteuHiling  of  ftray  cattle.  Their  influence  will  hardly  be  permit- 
ted to  extend  Jo  high,  as  the  keeping  rtneds  in  repair,  as  that  hufinef$ 
may  more  properly  be  executed  by  tliofe  who- receive  the  public 
ca(h. 

One  moft  memorable  example  in  hrilory  is  fo  applicable  to  the 
point  now  infilled  on,  that  it  will  torm  a  juA  concluiion  of  the 
obfervations  that  have  been  made. 

Spain  was  once  free.  Their  CcrHt  refembled  our  parliaments. 
No  morny  could  be  raifed  on  the  fubjeA,  viitheut  their  nnftnt. 
One  of  their  Kings  having  received  a  grant  from  them,  to  OAin- 
tain  a  war  againlt  the  Moors,  defired,  Oiat  if  the  fum  which  they 
had  given,  fliould  not  be  fufficicnt,  he  might  be  allowed,  for  that 
emergency  only,  to  raife  more  money  ivithent  a^iiing  the  Cortet. 
The  rcqueii  was  violently  cppofed  by  the  belt  and  wifeft  men  in 
the  affcmbly.  It  was,  however,  complied  with  by  the  votes  of  a 
majority;  and  this  fmgle  conceiHon  was  ^  PRECioiNT  for  other 
conceffions  of  the  like  kind,  until  at  ladft  the  crown  obtained  a 
general  power  of  raifmg  money,  in  cafes  of  neceffity.  From  that 
period  the  Cortes  ceafed  to  be  ufefid,^\}M  people  ceafed  to  he /rte. 
fenienti  occurrite  morbo. 
Oppofe  a  difeafe  at  its  beginning.  ' 

A    FARMER. 


m  II 


LETTER 


X. 


t'lB  iS- 


My  dear  Countrymbn, 


r 


HE  confequences,  mentioned  in  the  laft, letter,  will  not 
be  the  utmoft  limits  of  our  mifery  and  infamy,  if  the  late 
a£l  is  acknowledged  to  be  binding  upon  us.     We  feel 


too  fenfibly,  that  any  minifterial  mea/ures  *  relating  to  thefe  colonies, 
•re  foon  carried  fuccefsfully  through  the  parliament.     Certain  pre- 

G  ^udices 


•  "  The  gentleman  muft  not  wonder  he  waa  not  contradiAed, 
mijitr,  he  a^'enrd  the  ripht  of  parliament  to  tax  Amtrica.     I  knoM 


'-  hvn,  ai  nt« 

.-  .  --    .'Mhowitii> 

but  there  isaMODKiTV  in  (his  houfe,  which  Jcti  net  (ttift  it  €nnrtdia  a  minijfir. 
I  wi/k  genclemrn  would  get  the  better  of  thii  mrdt/ij,    Ir    thby  so   not, 

riRHAPI    THE   COlLtCTlVC   BODY   MAY  SBatN  TO    A^ATC    OF     ITi     Ut* 
•  VICT  rOR    THC  Rlra(S«HTATlV>.*'  Jl^.  fitt^M  SfMti. 


w 


■vfi^lnSjsaasa,' 


*  «<#»*(f(^S^-f  ^..fjii-. 


m 


I.  t 


■     [  50  ]     ,   ■ 

judicej  operatft  there  fo  ftrongly  againft  us,  that  it  may  be  juflly 
queftioned,  whether  ali  the  provinces  united,  will  ever  be  able 
•flfeaually  to  call  to  an  account  before  the  parliament,  any  miniller 
who  (hall  abufe  the  power  by  the  late  aft  given  to  the  crown  in 
Jmriea.  He  may  divide  the  fpoils  torn  from  us  in  what  manner 
he  pleaies,  and  lue  Jhall  ha've  no  •way  of  making  him  rtJ'ponfilU.  If 
he  fliould  order,  that  every  governor  (hall  have  a, yearly  falary  of 
5Q00I.  fterling;  every  chief  iuftice  of  3000 1;  every  inferior 
officer  in  proportion;  and  (hould  then  reward  the  moll  profligate, 
ignorant,  or  needy  depeud-nts  on  hiinfelf  or  his  friends,  v.'ith 
^ace«  of  the  greateft  truft,  btecaufe  they  were  of  the  greateft  proit. 
this  would  be  called  an  arrangement  in  confequence  of  the  '♦  ade- 
quate provifion  for  defraying  the  charge  of  the  adminiftration  of 
juftice,  and  the  fupport  of  the  civil  government :"  And  if  the  taxes 
(hould  prove  at  any  time  infufficient  to  anfwer  all  the  expences  of 
the  numberlefs  offices,  which  minifters  may  pleafe  to  create,  furely 
the  members  of  the  houfc  of  commons  will  be  fo  "  modefi"  as 
not  to  "  contradia  a  minifter  "  who  (hall  tell  them,  it  is  become 
necelTary  to  lay  a  new  tax  upon  the  colonies,  for  the  laudable 
purpoies  of  defraying  the  charges  of  the  "  adminiftration  of 
jullice,  and  fupport  of  civil  government "  among  them.  Thus, 
in  faft,  we  (hall  be  \  taxed  by  minifters.  In  Ihort,  it  will  be  in 
their  power  to  fettle  upon  us  any  civil,  ecclesiastical,  or 
MILITARY  eftablifhment,  which  they  chooCe. 

We  may  perceive,  t/  the  example  of  Ireland,  how  eager  mini- 
fters are  to  feize  upon  any  fettled  revenue,  and  apply  it  in  fup- 
porting  their  own  power.  Happy  are  the  men,  and  happy  the  peo- 
ple -who  grew  ivife  by  the  misfortunes  of  others.  Earneftly,  my  dear 
countrymen,  do  I  befeech  the  author  of  all  good  gifts,  that  you 
may  grow  wife  in  this  manner  ;  and  if  I  may  be  allowed  to  take 
fucli  a  liberty,  I  beg  ^eavc  to  recommend  to  you  in  general,  as 
the  beft  method  of  attaining  this  wifdom,  diligeatly  to  ftudy  the 
hiftories  of  other  countries.  You  will  there  find  all  the  arts, 
that  can  poifibly  be  pradlifed  by  cunning  rulers,  or  falfe  patriots 
^mong  yourfelves,  fo  fully  delineated,  that,  changing  names,  the 
account  would  ferve  for  your  own  times. 
I  It  is  pretty  well  known  on  this  continent,  that  Ireland  has, 
with  a  regular  confiftency  of  injuftice,  been  cruelly  treated  by 
minifters  in  the  article  of  penftons ;    but  there  are  fome  alarming 

circumftances 

+  «'  Within  this  aft  (Jlaiutt  Ji  t*H*gh  ntn  ttnctJendoJ  are  all  nnu  ofScet 
''  erefted  with  nnu  fees,  or  oM  offices  with  new  fees,. for  that  is  a  tallage  put 
upon  the  fubjeft,  which  cannot  be  done  without  common  aflftnt  by  •«  of  par- 
liament. And  this  doth  notably  appear  by  a  petition  in  parliament  in  anno  1  j 
M.  IV.  where  the  commons  complain,  that  an  office  Was  erefted  for  meafurage 
of  cloths  and  canvas,  with  a  new  fee  for  the  fame,  by  colour  of  the  king'* 
letters  patents,  and  pray  that  thefe  letters  patents  may  be  revoked,  for  that 
the  king  conid  ereft  no  offices  with  new  feet  to  be  taken  of  the  people,  *•• 
in*y  not  fo  be  charged  but  by  parliament."        »</  /^.  f-  533- 


it  may  be  juflly 
li  ever  be  able 
nt,  any  miniller 
to  the  crown  in 
in  what  manner 
w  rtj'ponjlhle.  If 
^yearly  falary  of 
every  inferior 
moft  profligate, 
s  friends,  v-'ith 
e  greateft  proit, 
e  of  the  "  ad«- 
dminiftration  of 
And  if  the  taxes 
the  expences  of 
to  create,  furely 
fo  "  mdefi;*  as 
m,  it  is  become 
'or  the  laudable 
[miniflration  of 
g  them.  Thus, 
t,  it  will  be  in 

KSIASTICAL,    or 

low  eager  mini- 
ipply  it  in  fup- 
tid  happy  the  peo- 
neftly,  my  dear 
gifts,  that  you 
allowed  to  take 
I  in  general,  as 
tly  to  ftudy  the 
lid  all  the  arts, 
ar  falfe  patriots 
ring  names,  the 

hat  Inland  has, 

lelly  treated  by 

e  Tome  alarming 

circumftances 

are  all  nno  ofBcet 
It  it  a  tallage  put 
Ihnt  by  t&  of  par- 
liament in  anno  I J 
ifted  for  mnfurage 
>iour  of  the  king'i 
I  revoked,  for  that 
)f  the  people,  wk* 
5J- 


circumftances  relating  to  that  fubjcft,  which  I  wifli  to  have  better  , 
known  among  us. 

t  The  revenue  of  the  crown  there  arifes  principally  fam  thd 
Excife  granted  "  for  pay  of  the  army,  and  defraying  other  PUBLIC 
(barges,  in  defence  andprefervation  of  the  kingdom  " from  the  ton- 
nage and  additional  poundage  granted  f  for  proteiling  the  trade  of 
the  kingdom  at  fea,  and  augmenting  the  public  revenue  " — from  the 
hearth  money  granted — as  a  ♦'  pitblic  revenue,  for  rvBitc  charges 
and  Ttxpences."  There  are  fome  other  branches  of  the  revenue,  con- 
cerning which  there  is  not  any  exprefs  appropriation  of  them  for 
VVBHC  fervice,    but  which  were  plainly  yo /«/fn/iSrij^. 

Of  thefe  branches  of  the  revenue  the  crown  is  only  trujfee  for  the 
public.  They  are  unalienable.  They  are  inapplicable  to  a;ny 
other  purpofes,  but  thofe  for  which  they  were  eiiablifhed ;  and 
therefore  are  not  lega/ly  chargeable  widi  pcnfions. 

T'!ERE  is  another  kind  of  revenue,  which  is  a  private  revenue. 
T'.is  is  not  limited  to  any  public  ufes ;  but  the  crown  has  tlie  fame 
property  in  it,  that  any  perfon  has  in  his  eftate.  I'his  d«es  not 
amount,  at  the  moft,  to  Fifteen  Thoufand  Pounds  a  year,  pro()abIy  ' 
not  to  Zeven,  and  is  the  only  revenue,  that  can  be  tegaliy  charged 
with  penfions.  * 

If  minifters  were  accuftomed  to  regard  the  rights  or  happiikefs 
of  the  pebple,  the  penfions  in  Ireland  would  not  exceed  the  funi 
juft  mentioned :  Eut  long  fince  have  they  exceeded  that  limit ;  and 
in  December  1765,    a  motion  was  made  in  the  houfe  of  commons 

G  2  in 

\  An  enquiry  into  the  legality  of  penfioai  on  the  hijb  eftablinttnent,  by  ': 
Altxandir  M'Aulay,  Efq;  one  of  the  King's  council,  &c,  \-, 

Mr.  M'May  concludes  his  ^ieee  in  the  foUowiog  beautiful  manner.  "  It 
aBy/»«t^9in  have  been  obtained  on  that  eftablUbmcnt,  to  lEjivc  ths  coRRvrr 

PURrosKS  OF  AMBITIOUS  MEN. If  his  Majefty's  revenue     oi  helaiitlhmt 

been  employed  in  pcnfieiii,  to  dibadch  his  Majesty's  s  ijccTsot'  both 
kingdoms. If  the  treafurc  of  Jriland  has  been,  expended  in  penfions,  roK 

CORRVFTINO   MEN  OT   TtlAT  KINGDOM    TO   BETRAY     THEIR    COUNTRY  j 

and  men  of  the  neighbouring  kingdom,  to  betray  both.— If  Irijh  pcnHuns  have 
been  procured,  to  surroBT  camestebs  anp  OAMifC'/ipviie  ^  pni- 
moting^  vice  which  threaten!  national  ruin.— If  pcniipns  have  beep  purloined 
out  pf  the  national  treaf«ire  of  Irtland,  under  the  mask  or  salabjes  a^> 

Nf  XED  TO  PUBLIC  OFFICES,   VSXI.BSS  TO  tK%  NATION  J    Dewly  inVCntH, 

FOR  THE  rviPOSEl  &r  COBBUPTIPN.— -If  Irilgnd,  juft  beginning  to  recover 
from  the  devaftations  of  maiTacre  and  rebellion,  be  obftruAed  in  the  prfjg;refs  of 
her  cure,  bv  swaimc  <»r  peniionary  vuitvres  prevjnc  on  hbr 
viTAti.— If,  by  fqnaadering  the  national  fubftance  of  Jrtitni,  ia.  a  Licjt^* 
tious,  unbounded  PRo-rusioN  of  PENSIONS,  inftead  of  einploying  it  in 
nouiiAiing  and  improving  her  infant  aj^itukure,  trade  and  manufuflures,  or  in 
enlMuni/ir  iud  rtfairmmg  her  potr,  igngranf,  dtludid,  ntiferabU  ntiivfi  (by  nat«irc 

moft  amiable,  moft  valuable,  moft. worthy  of  public  attentiofl) If,  hy  fut^ 

atftifi  of  ibe'niiticnal  fuhfiatic*,  Jhitf  iai  nafiitrfi,  told  mi  I'uvgir,  naktdiitjt  uui 
wrttcbedKtp,  fafry,  dtptpulat'un  lai  barliirUm,  Aill  maintain  iheir  ground} 
ftill  deform  a  ctuntry,  aiaundlng  with  att  the  r'u}t(nif  tiaiurr,  yet  hitherto  dcllined 
to  beggary.— If  such  ppnjiioni  be  found  on  the  hip  eftablifhment  j  let  fuch 
be  cut  off:  And  let  tk>:  perfidious  advifcrs  be  branded  with  indelible  char«f\eri  - 
of  public  infamy}  adequate,   if  poOible,  to  the  difliunor  of  their  criroe." 


II 


"  '■''^■'»-%^LLW  '■Vii''i;aft^jj^gi(j)ifc|i|j|fc,,ij,iij 


K?SBSft|"%V*"-^ 


■  -^'^WBsSB^^^t' 


mi 


\K 


!  !■ 


:| 


[    52     1  ' 

in  that  kingdom,  to  addrefs  his  Majefty  on  the  great  increafe  of 
penfioas  on  the  /rijb  eftabliflunent,  amounting  to  the  fum  of 
158,685 1. — in  the  laft  two  years. 

Attim^ts  have  been  made  to  glofs  over  thefe  grofs  encroach- 
ments, by  this  fpecious  argument — "  That  expending  a  compe- 
tent part  of  the  ruBkic  revbnvb  in  penfions,  from  a  principle 
of  charity  or  eenerofity,  adds  to  the  dignity  of  the  crown ;  and  is 
thtrtfort  ufeful  to  the  public."  To  give  this  argument  any 
weight,  it  muft  appear,  that  the  penfions  proceed  from  "  charity 
or  gnurtfty  only  "..—and  that  it  "  adds  to  the  dignity  of  the 
crown,"  to  tS  JirtSly  nntrary  tt  Imvi.—— 

From  this  conduct  towvida  IrtUmJ,  in  open  violation  of  law, 
we  may  eafilv  forefee  what  int  may  expert,  when  a  minifter  will 
have  the  ntibek  rtvenut  of  Amtrua  in  his  own  hands,  to  be  difppied 
'  of  at  his  own  pleafure :  For  all  the  monies  raifed  by  the  late  a£t 
are  to  be  "  applied  by  virtue  of  warrants  under  the  fieti  manual, 
counterfined  oy  the  high  treaforer,  or  any  three  of  the  commif- 
fioners  of  thetreafury."  The  "hbsidve  "  indeed  is  to  be  "  paid 
into  the  receipt  of  vtDt  exchequer^  and  to  be  difpofed  of  by  par- 
liament." So  that  a  minifter  will  have  nothing  to  do,  but  to  take 
care,  that  there  fltall  be  no  '<  refidue,"  and  he  is  fuperior  to  all 
controul. 

Besides  the  burden  6i  fenfitm  in  Inland,  which  have  enor- 
monfly  encreafed  within  thefe  few  years,  almoft  all  the  offictt  in 
that  poor  kingdom,  have  been,  fince  the  commencement  of  the 
preient  century,  and  now  are  beftowed  jpon  firangert.  For  tho' 
the  merit  of  petfons  bom  there,  juftly  raifes  them  to  places  of 
high  truft  when  they  go  abroad,  as  all  Europe  can  witnefs,  yet  he 
is  an  unconunonly  lucky  Irijbman,  who  can  get  a  good  poll ;'»  bis 
.   NATIVE  eouHtty, 

When  I  confider  the  *  manner  in  which  that  ifland  has  been 
uniformly  deprefled  for  Co  many  years  paft,  with  this  pernicious 

particularity 

!  *  In  Cb»ltt  the  fccond'i  tim«,  the  houfe  of  comraeat,  ipflueiMtd  by  fome 
fiAieut  deiaa|ogu«i,  were  refolvcd  to  pmhibit  the  iraportauon  of  Irm  cattle 
into  KnglMd.  Among  other  ai|anienti  in  favor  of  irettwd  it  wa*  iafiftcd*— 
*'  That  by  cutting  off  almoft  entirely  the  trade  between  the  kingdomi.  Ait 
TNI  itATveAL  BANDS  ot  wMioM  wcRB  •isiOLTBD,  and  nothing  remained 
•0  keep  the  Iri/b  in  their  duty,  but  fin*  and  •mtUmt*." 

\  "The  king  (fay*  Mr.  Humit  in  hit  hiftory  of  Jln^iWaiJ!  wat  fo  cm«lnce4 
•f  the  juftncfi  of  thefe  reafoni,  that  he  uftd  all  hit  intereft  to  oppofe  the  bill^ 
end  be  openly  declareid,  that  he  could  not  give  hi*  affcnt  to  u  with  a  fafe  con- 
feiencc.  But  the  common*  were  rcfitlqte  in  their  pnrpofe."— — "  And  the  fpirit 
•f  TTRANNY,  tf  mAUh  nation*  Ar««i  fufctptiUttt  inoiviBvai*,  had 
animated  the  £mr/i/ii  esiremely  to  isBaT  tukib  avrsBioaiTT  eewr  rMr 
dtpmhut  fi»n.  No  affair  could  be  conduAed  with  greater  violence  than  thit 
hy  the  common*.  They  even  wnnt  fo  far  in  the  pretmble  of  the  bill,  a*  to 
declare  the  impartation  of  Irifii  cattle  to  be  a  mv*ancb.  By  thi*  eipreffioa 
they  gave  fcope  to  their ^^j^wt,  and  at  the  Ctme  time  hsnti  ib*  khg'i  frtngathitf^ 
by  which  he  might  tluak  himfelf  iatitM  to  difpcnfe  with  a  law,  *•  rvtt 

•t 


..4  11    _Mii!*'' 


reat  increafe  of 
to  the  fum  of 

grofs  encroach- 
iding  a  compe> 
rom  a  principle 
crown ;  and  is 
argument  any 
from  "  tbaritf 
dignity  of  the 

iolation  of  law, 
1  a  minifter  will 
,  to  be  diipqied 
by  the  late  a£t 
he  fieQ  manual, 
of  the  commif- 
is  to  be  "  paid 
Dfed  of  by  par- 
do,  but  to  take 
s  fuperior  to  all 

ich  have  enor- 
all  the  effiets  in 
ncement  of  the 
tgers.  For  tho' 
n  to  places  of 
witnefs,  yet  he 
good  poil  in  hit 

Ifland  has  been 

this  pernicious 

particularity 

pfluenctd  bv  fom« 
(ion  of  Irii  catUt 
'  it  wM  infiftcd*>~ 
lekingdomi.  At  a 
I  nothing  remained 

wat  fo  <Mviacc4 
to  oppof*  tJie  bill» 
X  with  a  fafe  con- 
.•"  And  the  fpirit 
toiriftVAti,  had 
loiiTT  awr  rMr 
violence  than  this 
f  of  the  bill,  at  to 

By  thif  ciprcffion 
«  kivg't  frtr»gMiv»i 

a  Jaw,  a*  rvtt 
•t 


[    53    ] 

particularity  c/  tbth  f  parliamat  eentinHing  at  long  at  the  crovin 
j^ltajei,  I  am  aftonilhed  to  obfervey«f*  a  lovt  of  liberty  ftiU  animat- 
ing that  LovAL  and  generous  nation;  and  nothing  can  raife 
higher  my  idea  of  the  integrity  and  I  public  spirit  off 

people 

01-  iK,«»Tici  AND  .AD  Foticr.  Th.  lordi  Mpungcd  the  woid,  but  ai  the 
king  waifenfible  that  no  fupply  would  be  given  br  thi  common., 'onlef,, her 
weie  gr«;''«'*  »"  »»  *«'  »»«j«oice.,  he  wai  obliged  both  to  employ  hia 
intereft  w,th  the  peer.,  to  make  the  b.ll  paf..  and  to  give  ihe  «,,al  adbntto  i 
He  could  not,  however,  forbur  ezpreffing  hi.  difpleafure,  at  the  jealoufy  cn.erl 
ttined  againft  him,  and  at  the  inttntioa  which  the  common,  difcovired  of 
retrenching  hi.  prerogative.  "•■i««»e«a,  oi 

Thi.  law  aaovsHT  oriat  Di.rai..  reii  .omi  timb  itvom  I.. 

IAMB,  BUT  IT  MA.  9CCA.I0NID  THBta  A»»tVI»C  WITH  OatAT.V 
INDU.T.T  TO  MAK.rACTUa,.,  AND  HA.  F«OVtO  1»  TH,  i„„  I" 
MXriCIAL     TO    THAT    KINGDOM."  "■ 

Perhap.  the  /«»«  tm/w  nccafioned  the  "  barring  the  iciag't  prefoaative"  I. 
the  late  aft  fufpeiiding  the  legiflation  of  Hm-Ytrh.  P"»»B«»ve     in 

Thi.  we  may  be  affured  of,  that  w«  are  a.  dear  to  hi»M.,Vif..  „  ,1,.  -„-i, 
Of  C««/-*W*«.  are.  W.  are  hi.  /«*,Vfl.  a.  well  a.  they,  i^),tfli!^t 
ha,  I  and  hi.  Majefty  ha.  given  too  many,  too  conftant  p'rliofk  of  hirXv vfj 

rJ-^'w/V'  """  "  "'•"''  "  •«''""«.  "»"  /«*  '  A*  can  mikfanv  nn 
juft  diftinftion  between/,**  fuki,a..    It  maki.  no dlftr.n«  ,»  u; *i"Tl"- 


juft  diftinftion  between /■«.*/.*>..  it  maki.  no  dCn;.",.  hU  M,X 
\kA  i|i  Ctat.Britun,  or  ^mtriet  j  but  it  makeafi.^  dS 
of  that  kinsdom.  ' 


whether  fupplie.  are  rai -.-«.... 

ference  to  the  common,  of  that  kingdom. 

To^fpMk  plainly,  a.  becom...  an  honeft  man  en  fueh  important  occafion.   .11 
•urmiafbrtune.  are  owing  to  a  tr.r  or  rowaa  in  miTof  **X,  «d /- 
JbitMt.    Thi.  prompts  them  to  feek  ropoLAaiT/  bv  ««»adsJ«  ««fi,!ur 
»h«nfeWe.,  though  ever  fo  deftruftive  to  their  country. '  ^^    *  ••"""""•  » 

Such  1.  the  accurfed  nature  of  lawlef.   ambition,  and  yet.  ..What  t..... 
but  melt,  at  the  thought  f.-Such  f.lfe,  deteftable  ArnxJr,,  i„^  ^"^ 
^^l^  'h«r  blind    confiding  country,  Aou.ing  their  .ppl.ufe'..  int^.C; 
9fjh,m  and  rutn.    May  the  wifdom  and  goodnef.  of  the  pwple  of  GrJiVJ,^. 
fave  them  from  the  ufual  fate  of  nations.  '^        *"*«-*W««, 

X  -r'l!  7  A M«NTIM    MORTAIIA    TANCVNT." 

*  ~J*"  '^  parliament  continued  jj  year.,  during  all  the  late  KU.'. 
rogn.  The  prelint  parliament  there  ha.Vontinu.d  from  the  beginLSL  *rf 
thi.  reign,  and  probably  will  continue  till  this  reign  ends.  "«««nninf  of 

»k*i.  T  V*^"""*'''  '••«  f'^^}"  '••*'■«  f«*  yw",  »  petirion  wa.  prefenled  t. 
die  houfe  of  common,,  fetting  forth.  "  that  herrings  wVre  imported  into  i^IfaS 
from  fome  foreign  part,  of  the  north  fu  cheap.  I  to  difcour"ge  the  J^ 

t\r*Jh^'i7;;"aii:iTn?^!..r^"«  '^^  ^"^ «--'  -.i.ht*be'!:;p£;[2 
^%SKi;iirftSisrti;tr"orf^-£;i„S  5rj;  s^--^ 

/«Wj   but  a/ter..rd.'d,opt  theVair.  ron  ,^^1  orZKlc^TW^: 

DISI-UTS  WITHla.lAND   ABOVT   THB  «.CHT   OF  T  A  X  I  NO    'mi 

So  much  higher  wa.  the  opinion,  which  the  houfe  entertained  of  the  foirla 
«f  rrt/aii4,  than  of  that  of  thefe  colonic.  '''"* 

I  find,  in  the  \*»EnfttA  paner.,  that  tht  refolution  and  firmneft  with  wk.VI. 
the  people  of /r«^»rf  have  lately  aflerted  their  freedom,  have  been  fo  .1.!^  " 
tnGr^.BHr.i.,  th,t  the  |.ord  Ll.„„.a«.  in  hi.  fpeech  on  the  ao^h  of  fe« 
ifr,  'recommwded  to  that  parliament,  that  fuch  provifion  mav  be  mfjf? 
fecunng  the  judge,  in  th.  <njoy«.nt  of  their  .^.«  and  JZ^^,  ^^^i'* 
TH.i.  oooD  B.HATio.,  M  (hall  bo  thoughtlnoft  expedUnt^^  '       ""• 

What  an  important  coqceffion  1.  thus  obtained,  by  makinc  d.m».,l.  k- 
iag  freemen,  with  .  courage  .nd  p«rf.ve«u,ee  bicoLnl  F«emca  I      ^•"""- 


[    54   1 

people,  who  have  prcfervcd  the  facred  fire  of  freedom  from  being 
extinguilhed,  tho'  the  altar  on  which  it  burnt,  has  been'  over- 

"in  the  fame  manner  Ihall  we  unqucftionably  be  treated,  as  foon 
h  the  late  taxes  laid  upon  us,  lliaU  males  pofts  in  the  ••govern- 
ment "  and  the  "  adminiftration  of  juftice"  here,  worth  the  atten- 
tion of  perfons  of  inHucnce  in  Great-Britain.  V/c  know  enough 
already  to  fatisfy  us  of  this  truth,    ^ut  this  will  not  be  the  wortt 

part  of  our  cafe.  .,,      rj    -     »    /    j 

The  priHcitals,  in  all  great  offices,  will  refide  in  gfiglantt, 
making  fome  paltry  allowance  to  deputies  for  doing  the  bufinefs 
here  Let  any  man  confidcr  what  an  exhaulUng  dram  this  muft  be 
apon  us,  when  minitters  are  pofiefled  of  the  power  of  creating 
what  pofts  they  pleafe,  and  of  affixing  to  fuch  pofts  what  falanes 
they  pleafe,  and  lie  muft  be  Convinced  bow  deftruaive  the  late  aft 
will  be  The  injured  kingdom  lately  mentioned,  can  teU  us  the 
mifchiefs  of  absentees  ;  and  %ve  may  perceive  already  the  fame 
difpofition  taking  place  with  us.  The  government  of  Nen^f''-^ 
has^n  exercifed  by  a  deputy.  That  cf  firgh,ia  is  nov,  held  fo  j 
and  we  know  of  a  number  of  fecrctaryflups,  coUcftorflups,  aa4 
other  offices,  held  in  the  fame  manner. 

True  it  is,  that  if  the  people  of  Great-Britam  were  not  too 
much  blinded  by  the  paffions,  that  have  been  artfully  exated  in 
their  breafts,  againft  their  dutiful  chUdren  the  colonifts,  thefe  con- 
fiderations  would  be  nearly  as  alarming  to  them  as  to  u».  i  he 
influence  of  the  crown  was  thought  by  wife  men,  many  years  ago, 
too  jrrekt,  by  reafon  of  the  multitude  of  penfions  and  places  be. 
ftowed  by  it.    Thefe  have  been  vaftly  encreafed  fince  ||.  and  per- 

i  '  U  One  of  the  re.font  urged  by  that  great  and  honeft  ft"*'?'"'  ".rj^^"' 
*rltlt  to  Cbarlti  the  SeeJind,  in  hit  famous  remonftrance,  to  d.lTuade  him  from 
5:e  ^r.?bitr.r,  power,  w'...  that  the  King  ••  J^^-^^^  offie.yo^^^Jc.w. 

«  Tho*  the  wing,  of  prerogative  have  been  dipt  «t;«  5"«»i»«^°J„»i« 
crown  U  greater  than  e.er  it  was  in  any  period  of  our  h.ftory.  J"  ««»  «f 
^fld«  in  how  many  borooghi  the  government  hai  the  vote,  at  command} 
Xn  we  conMerThe  »aft  body  of  perfon.  employed  in  the  .ollea.on  of  the 
«ienue.  in  eve?  part  of  the  king-lom,  th<  inconceivable  number  of  placmen, 
r„dcandidatet  for  place,  in  the  curtom.,  in  the  excife,  .n  the  poft-office,  m 
Jhe  dock  y«d',  i»  the  ordnance,  in  the  falt-office,  in  the  ftamp.,  .n  the  navy 
and  v"au.K  office.,  and  in  a  variety  of  other  department.  5  when  we  con- 
fidtr  S  he*ex«nfite  influence  of  the  money  corporttion,,  fubfcnpt.on  job- 
her.  and  «ntr.aor.,  the  endleft  dependencie.  created  by  the  obligation.  cOnfer- 
SVn  the  bulk  of  t'he  gentlemen,  familie.  throughout  «hek'ngdom  who  have 
Illation,  preferred  in  our  navy  and  numerous  ftanding  army  }  *-«»"> '^y-  Y^* 
ronnder  Sow  wide,  how  binding  a  dependence  on  the  crown  i.  created  by  the 
rfe  enumLred  p'articular,,  and  theV«t.  the  enormou.  ««'«»""!»'""""'« 
!;Wrh?hrcK»wn  derive,  from  thi.  extenfive  dependence  upon  it.  favor  and 
^ower    any  iwd  in  waiting,  a,y  lord  of  tjie  bed-chamber,  any  man  may  be 

•^■TitrnlT'rti.  .ff.a  u  f«d  to  ^^*^^i^:t:>:'F^^:  """""• 


#. 


'I«?t3i! 


i 


dom  from  being 
has  been  'over- 
treated,  as  fooo 
1  the  ••  govem- 
worth  the  atten- 
Vc  know  enough 
not  be  the  worft 

ftde  in  Englantf, 
oing  the  bufinefs 
rain  thitmuft  be 
>wer  of  creating 
oUs  what  falaries 
aive  the  late  aft 
I,  can  tell  us  the 
already  the  fame 
ent  of  Nnv-feri^ 
I  is  now  held  fo ; 
)UcAorfhips,  an4 

ain  were  not  too 
rtfully  excited  in 
onifts,  thefe  con- 
mas  to  us.  The 
many  years  ara, 
ns  and  places  be- 
fince  II,  and  per- 
haps 

itefman,  i'lr  H^llUm 
to  dilTuade  him  from 
)fl5ces  to  beftow." 
lilt,  of  EtigUnd. 
he  influence  of  the 
ftory.     For  when  we 

votei  at  command  \ 
he  colleftion  of  the 
number  of  placemen, 
in  the  poft-office,  in 

ftamps,  in  the  navy 
:nti}  when  we  con- 
>ns,  fubfcriptioB  job- 
he  obligatiuni  cOnfer- 
!  kingdom,  who  have 
my  5  when  I  fay,  we 
)wn  ia  created  by  the 
I  weight  and  influence 
t  upon  its'  favor  and 
er,  any  man  may  be 


Ivice  of  L— 


H — 


[    JS   ] 

haps  it  would  be  no  difficult  matter  to  prove  that  the  people  have 
decreafed. 

Sua  ELY  therefore,  thofe  who  wilh  the  welfare  of  their  country, 
ought  ferioufly  to  refledl,  what  may  be  the  confequence  of  fuch  ft 
new  creation  of  offices,  in  the  difpofal  of  the  crown.  The  omif, 
the  adminiftration  of  jufiice,  and  the  civil  govertimint  here,  with  fuch 
falacies  as  the  crown  ihall  pleafe  to  annex,  will  extend  minifttrial 
infiutnce  as  much  beyond  its  former  bounds,  as  the  late  war  did  the 
Britijh  dominions. 

But  whatever  the  people  of  Grtat-Britmn  may  think  on  thii 
occafion,  I  hope  the  people  of  thefe  colonies  will  unanimouily  join 
in  this  fentiment,  that  the  late  aA  of  parliament  is  injurious  x» 
their  liberty,  and  that  this  fentiment  will  unite  them  in  a  firm 
bppofition  to  it,  in-  the  fame  manner  as  the  dread  of  the  ^r«M/- 
Aa  did. 

Some  perfons  may  imagine  the  fums  to  be  raifed  by  it,  are  but 
fmall,  and  therefore  may  be  inclined  to  acquiefctf  under  it."  A 
conduA  more  dangerous  to  freedom,  as  before  has  been  obferved, 
can  never  be  adopted.  Nothing  is  wanted  at  home  but  a  •  pre-  , 
CEDSNT,  the  force  of  which  ftiall  be  eftabliflied,  by  the  tacit  fub- 
miffion  of  the  colonies.  With  what  zeal  was  the  ftatute  ereAing 
the  poft-office,  and  another  relating  to  the  recovery  of  debts  in 
Jtuuricat  urged  and  tortured,  i&precedtnts  in  fupport  of  the  Stamp- 
A£l,  tho'  wholly  inapplicable.  If  the  parliament  fucceeds  in  this 
attempt,  other  Itatutes  will  impoie  other  duties.  Inftead  of  taxing 
burfelves,  as  we  have  been  accuftomed  to  do,  from  the  firft  fettle- 
ihent  of  thefe  provinces,  all  our  ufual  taxes  will  be  converted  into 
parliamentary  taxes  on  our  importations ;  and  thus  the  parliament 
will  h.\y  upon  us  fuch  fums  of^  money  as  they  chufe  to  take,  loith* 
out  aty  other  limitation,  than  titir  fLSKSVUE. 

We  know  how  much  labor  and  care  have  been  bellowed  by 
thefe  colonies,  in  laying  taxes  in  fuch  a  manner,  that  they  (hould 
be  moft  eajj/  to  the  people,  by  being  laid  on  the  proper  articles ; 
moft  tjual,  by  being  proportioned  to  every  man's  circumftances  { 
and  cheafejf,  by  the  method  directed  for  coIleAing  them. 

But  parliamentary  taxes  will  be  laid  on  us,  without  any  con- 
fideration,  whether  there  is  any  ^a/for  mode.  The  only  point  re- 
garded will  be,  the  certainty  of  levying  the  taxes,  and  not  the  con- 
•venience  of  the  people  on  whom  thev  are  to  be  levied  ;  and  there- 
fore all  ftatutes  on  this  head  will  be  fuch  as  will  be  moft  likely, 
according  to  the  favorite  phrafe,  "  /»  execute  ihmfehes." 

Taxes 

•  •♦  Here  may  be  obferved,  that  when  any  ancient  law  or  cuftom  of  par- 
ImmeMt  is  broken,  and  the  crowa  polTeflW!  of  a  fricednt,  how  Jiffituli  «  ttinr 
le  ii  t»  rtfitrt  tkt  J'uijtfl  tgniH  to  Hi  roKMit  r.«cco«M  dm/ safitv." 

,,  ,   .  ,  a*/  Ci)*#'»  Jrfi.  p.  529. 

It  IS  not  almoft  credible  to  fa-tfn,  when  a»y  masia  or  fiinJMimiial  Uw 
of  this  reaSm  is  tlutei  («a  tlfewhere  hatli  been  obferved)  what  tUntvtiu  i»- 
««*.»i««(«  uo  foilow.  •  4,i  Ctkii  Infi.  p.  41. 

■'■.._•■•  .        *  .         ".  #, 


"■^4in1»:yj,n.,>iiii:i#-M:il^j|» 


"mm\\^)m,«>  ';"»»|li),l>at"!ata:gi-- 


il' 


ill 
SI 


Ik 


'it 


J'  !| 


I.'. 


'S-u 


1 1 


I 


i  !  ■ 


iis^^l 


^ 


[  56  ] 


Taxes  in  every  free  ftate  have  been,  and  ought  to  be,  a*  ext&ly 
fnfortinuJ  as  is  peffibU  to  tit  abilities  of  tho/i  luho  are  to  pay  them. 
They  cannot  otherwife  hciuji.  Even  A'Hetieittet  would  comprehend 
the  unrea/onabUii^i  of  making  a  poor  man  pay  as  much  for  "  de- 
fending "  the  property  of  a  rich  man,  as  the  rich  man  pays  himfelf. 

Let  any  perfon  look  into  the  late  aft  of  parliament,  and  he  will 
immediacelv  perceive,  that  the  immcnfe  eftates  of  Lord  Fairfax, 
Lord  t  Baltimore,  and  our  Pratrietariei,  which  are  amongft  his 
Majefty's  other  "  Domihions'^  to  be  "defended,  protected  and 
fecured"  by  the  aft,  will  not  pay  a  ftnglt  fartbimg  for  the  duties 
thereby  impofed,  except  Lord  Fairfax  wants  fomc  of  his  win- 
dows glazea  j  Lord  Baltimore  and  our  Proprietaries  are  quite  fecure, 
as  they  live  in  England. 

I  MENTION  theie  particular  cafes,  as  ftrikiog  inftances  how  far 
the  late  aft  is  a  deviation  from  that  prindpU  of  juftice,  which  has 
fo  conftantly  difiinguiflicd  our  own  laws  on  this  continent,  and 
ought  to  be  regarded  in  all  laws. 

Thi  third  confideration  with  our  contineflUl  alTemblies  in  lay- 
ing taxes,  has  been  the  method  of  coUcfUng  them.  This  has  been 
done  by  a  few  officers,  with  moderate  allowances,  under  the  iA- 
fpeClion  of  the  refpeftive  afTemblies.  Vo  more  tnat  ra^ed  from  the 
fuhjea,  than  was  uled  for  the  intended  pui^ofes.  But  by  the  late 
aff,  a  miniller  may  appoint  as  maity  officers  as  he  pleafes  for  colleA* 
ing  the  taxes ;  may  affign  them  twhat  falaries  be  thinks '« adequate ; " 
and  they  are  fubje£l  to  no  infpeilioH  but  his  o-wn. 

In  Ihort,  if  the  late  aA  of  parliament  takes  effeft,  thefe  colo- 
lonics  muft  dwindle  down  into  "  common  corporations,"  as 
their  enemies,  in  the  debates  concerning  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp- 
AH,  Jfrenuoujly  infifted  thy  <were\  and  it  Teems  not  improbable  that 
fome  future  hiilorian  may^  thus  record  our  fall. 

«  The  eighth  year  of  this  reign  was  diftineuilhed  by  avcrr 
memorahU  event,  the  American  colonies  then  fubmitting,  for  the 
FIRST  time,  to  be  taxed  by  the  Briti^  parliament.  An  attempt 
of  this  kind  had  been  made  about  two  years  before,  but  was  de- 
i  \  feated  by  the  vigorous  exertions  of  the  feveral  provinces,  in  de- 
! !  fence  of  their  liberties.  Their  behavior  on  that  occafion  rendered 
their  name  very  celebrated /«r  a/Wr  time  all  over£«r^;  all 
ftates  being  extremely  attentive  to  a  difpute  between  Great-Britain, 
and  fo  confiderable  a  part  of  her  dominions.  For  as  flie  was 
thought  to  be  grown  too  powerful,  by  the  fuccefsful  conclufion  of 
the  late  war  flie  had  been  engaged  in,  it  was  hoped  by  many,  that 
as  it  had  happened  before  to  other  kingdoms,  civil  difcords  would 

.    ,  afford 

+  Maryland  and  PtimffhiMta  hvn  been  «nga|cd  in  the  warawft  iifputei, 

in  order  to  obtain  an  equal  and   juft  taxation  of  their  Proprietor*  cftatea  t 

But  ihit  late  aft  of  parliament  doei  more  for  thofe  Proprietor*,  than  they  them- 

iklvei  would  ventore  to  demand.    It  malh  i*mfti  them  from  taxation-——" 

,  tho'  their  »aft  cftatci  are  to  U  "  fecured"  by  the  taxes  of  other  people. 


■    -"W^tK-,. 


*1 


bt  to  be,  ai  exaftly 
bo  art  to  fay  them. 
ivould  comprehend 
as  much  for  "  dc- 
\  man  pays  himfelf. 
iment,  and  he  will 
of  Lord  Fairfax, 
\  are  amongil  hit 
led,  protected  and 
thing  for  the  duties 
fomc  of  his  win- 
ts  are  quite  fecure, 

r  inllances  how  far 
jujiice,  which  hat 
Ills  continent,  and 

1  aflemblies  in  lay- 
n.  This  has  been 
:es,  under  the  iA> 
oat  ra^td  from  tbi 
I.  But  by  the  late 
pUafts  for  collcA' 
hiukt  ''adequate;'* 

effedt,  thefecolo> 

RPORATIONS,"   as 

;peal  of  the  Stamf- 
ot  improbable  that 

leuilhed  by  m  viry 
iiomitting,  for  the 
nent.  An  attempt 
lefore,  but  was  de- 

I  provinces,  in  de- 
t  occalion  rendered 

II  over  Europe ;  all 
veen  Great-Britain, 

For  as  flie  was 

efsful  conclufion  of 

iped  b^  many,  that 

ivil  difcords  would 

afford 

the  mrmtft  difputei, 
ir  Proprietor*  dhtet  t 
ictor*,  than  thejr  them- 
1  from  uxmfion— — " 
of  other  people. 


■ 


[  il  ] 

afford  Mportunities  of  revenging  all  the  injuries  fuppofed  to  be  re- 
ceived from  her.  However,  the  caufe  of  diffenfion  was  removed, 
by  a  repeal  of  the  ilatute  that  had  given  offence.  This  affair 
rendered  the  submissive  conduct  of  the  colonies  fo  foon  after, 
the  more  extraordinary  ;  there  being  no  digtrtnct  between  the  mode 
of  taxation  which  they  oppofed,  and  that  to  which  they  fubmit- 
ted,  but  this,  that  by  the  firft,  they  were  to  be  continually  r$minJ- 
td  that  they  tutre  taxii,  by  certain  marks  ftamfed  on  every  piece  of 
paper  or  parchment  they  ufcd.  The  authors  of  thatflatutt  tri- 
umphed greatly  on  this  conduft  of  the  colonies,  and  infifted,  that 
If  the  people  of  Gnat-BritaiM  had  perfifted  in  enforcing  it,  the 
Amtrtcant  would  have  been,  in  a  few  months,  fo  fatigued  luitb  tbt 
ifortt  of  fatriotifm,  that  thev  would  have  yielded  obedience. 

"  Certain  it  is,  that  tho'  they  had  before  their  tyti  fo  mam 
tUuftrtoui  examples  in  their  mother  country,  of  the  conftant  fuceeft 
attending  frmnefs  and  fer/tveranee,  in  oppofition  to  dangerous  en- 
croachments on  liberty,  yet  they  quietly  gave  up  a  point  of  the 
tAST  IMPORTANCE.  Fiom  thcuce  the  decline  of  their  freedom 
began,  and  its  decay  was  extremely  rapid;  for  as  money  was  alwaya 
raifcd  upon  them  by  the  parliament,  their  affimblies  grew  imme- 
diately  ufeUfs,  and  in  a  Ihort  time  contemptible:  And  in  lefs  than 
one  hundred  years,  the  people  funk  down  into  that  tamenefs  and 
fupinenefs  of  fpirit,  by  which  they  ftill  continue  to  be  diftin- 
guilhed." 

Et  major es  veftres  W  pofteru  cogitate.  • , 

.  Remember  your  ancellon  and  your  pofterity. 

A     FARMER. 


I 


LETTER       XI. 

ii^  <^r  Countrymen,  \  /     • 

I  HAVE  feveral  times,  in  the  courfe  of  thefe  letters,  men- 
tioned the  late  aft  of  pariiament,  as  being  the  foundation  of 
future  meafures  injurious  to  thefe  colpnies  ;  and  the  belief  of 
this  truth  I  wifh  to  prevaU,  becaufe  I  think  it  nece/Tary  to  our 
fafety.  ' 

.  A  PERPETUALyW<»«^,  refpefting  liberty,  is  abfolutely  requifite 
in  ah  free  ftates.  The  very  texture  of  their  conftitution,  in  mixt 
governments,  demands  it.  For  the  cautiMs  with  which  power  is 
diftributed  among  the  feveral  orders,  imply,  that  each  has  that  fhare 
which  IS  proper  for  the  general  welfare,  and  thwefore  that  any 

H  further 


1*1''  i'*J,a»i    11.11.  JHfaii.1,. 


■wniin^i-innmiiiiaB^^jttjjm^i;,'    ^_^^ 


t;  i 


[    S3    ] 


further  acquifition  muft  be  i>ernic!ous.  •  Machiamel  employs  » 
whole  chapter  in  his  Uifcourles,  to  prove  that  a  ftate,  to  be  long 
lived,  murt  be  frequently  correfted,  and  rcd^ced  to  its  firft  prin- 
tiples.  Dut  of  all  ttates  that  have  exilkd,  there  never  was  any, 
in  which  this  jealoufy  could  be  more  proper  than  in  thefc  colonics. 
I'or  the  government  here  is  not  only  »i/a.'.  but  dtptndtnt,  which 
circumftance  occafions  a  peculiarity  in  its  form,  of  a  very  delicate 


that  this  fpirit  of  appn-hcn- 


iiature. 

Two  reafons  induce  me  to  dcfirc, 
fion  may  be  always  kept  up  among  us,  in  its  utmoft  vigilance. 
'I'he  firft  is  this-— that  as  the  happinefs  of  thcfc  pirovinces  indu- 
bitably confifts  in  their  conncilion  with  Great-Britain,  any  repara- 
tion bet^veen  them  is  lefs  likely  to  be  occafioncd  by  civil  diicords, 
if  every  difgufting  meafure  is  oppofedy7«^/y,  and  while  it  is  ne^  : 
For  in  this  manner  of  proceeding,  every  fuch  meafure  is  moft  like- 
ly to  be  reaified.  On  the  other  hand,  oppreflions  and  diflatisfac- 
tions  being  permitted  to  accumulate— 1/  ever  the  governed  throw 
off  the  load,  they  nvill  Jo  mere.  A  people  does /not  reform  with 
moderation.  Ihe  rights  of  the  fubjeft  therefore  canrot  be  too  often 
confiderud,  explained  or  aflerled  :  And  whoever  attempts  to  do 
this,  (hews  himfelf,  whatever  may  be  the  rafli  and  peevilh  reflec- 
tions of  pretended  wifdoin,  and  pretended  duty,  a  friend  to  tboje 
who  injudic'ioufly  exercile  their  power,  as  well  as.  to  thm,  over 
whom  it  is  fo  exercifed. 

Had  all  tlie  points' of  prerogative  claimed  by  Charles  the-Hrii, 
been  feparatelv  contefted  and  Attled  in  preceding  reigns,  his  fate 
would  in  allprobability  have  been  veiy  difrerent ;  and  the  peo- 
pie  would  have  been  content  with  that  liberty  which  is  compatible 
with  regal  authority.  But  f  hi.  thouj^ht,  it  would  be  as  dangerous 
for  him  to  give  up  the -powers  which  at  anytime  had  been  by 
iifurpation  exercifed  by  the  crown,  as  thofe  that  were  legally  vefted 
in  it.  I'his  produced  an  equal  cxcefs  on  the  part  of  the  people. 
For  when  their  palFions  were  excited  by  multiplied  grievances,  they 
thought  it  would  be  as  dangerous  for  them  to  aflow  the  powers 
that  were  legally  vefted  in  the  crown,  as  thofe  which  at  any  time 
Fad  been  by  ufurpation  exercifed  by  it.  AAs,  that  might  bythem- 
jdves  have  been  upon  many  conliderations  excuftd  or  extenuated, 
derived  a  contagious  malignancy  and  odium  from  other  afts,  with 
which  they  were  connefted.     They  were  not  regarded  according 

•  to 


I    ! 


•  MachiaviVi  Difrourfts—Siok  3.  Cbap.  1.  .„»-.. 

t  'J  he  au'.hor  is  fenfible,  that  thii  is  putting  the  gentleft  conftrutlion  on 
Charies't  coiidua  ;  and'that  is  one  reafon  why  he  choofci  it.  Allowances  ought 
to  be  made  for  the  errors  of  thofe  men,  who  are  acknowledged  fo  have  been 
BciiTefled  of  many  virtues.  The  education  of  this  unh^ippy  prince,  and  his  con- 
fi.lence  in  men  not  fo  good  or  wife  as  himfelf,  had  probably  y*//«</  him  with  mi- 
(1  iken  notions  of  hit  own  authority,  and  of  the  confcquences  that  would  attend 
fi.nieflions  of  any  kind  to  a  people,  who  were  reprefenled  to  him,  as  aiiHing  at 
fuj  much  pow.;r. 


■^- 


n'fl  employs  s 
ate,  to  be  long 
:o  its  firft  prin- 
never  was  any, 
thelc  colonics. 
^ptndent,  which 
a  very  delicate 

t  of  apprehcn- 
moft  vigilance, 
provinces  indu- 
;//,  any  fepara- 
\/  civil  dii'cords, 
K)hiU  it  is  neiJu  : 
ire  is  moll  like- 
iind  diflatisfac- 
governed  throw 
lot  reform  with 
irot  be  too  ojttti 
attempts  to  do 
I  peevilh  reflec- 
i  friend  to  thojie 
IS  to  tbem,  over 

'j«rlcs  the-Firli, 
reigns,  his  fate 
;  and  the  peo- 
:h  is  comjjatiblc 
be  as  dangerous 
ie  had  been  by 
re  legally  veiled 
t  of  the  people. 

Srievances,  they 
low  the  powers 
ich  at  any  time 
t  might  hy'them- 
.  or  extenuated, 
other  afts,  with 
arded  according 
to 


left  conftruAion  on 
Allowiinccs  ought 
edged  to  have  been 
rince,  and  his  con- 
JilUd  him  with  mi- 
s  that  would  attend 
>  him,  as  aiining  al 


[    59    ] 

10  the  Ijmple  force  of  each,  but  as  psiu  of  a  fyttem.of  oppreiTion. 
Every  one  therefore,  however  fmsll  in  itfelf,  became  alarming,  as 
an  additional  evidence  of  tyrannical  defigns.  It  was  in  vain  for 
prudent  and  moderate  men  to  infill,  that  there  was  no  neceffity  to 
abolilh  royalty.  Nothing  lefs  than  the  utii.r  dellruftion  of  monar-, 
chy,  could  fatisfy  thofe  who  had  fuflercd,  and  thought  they  had 
reafon  to  believe,  they  always /&<>«</«'  futfkr  under  it. 

The  confequences  of  thefe  mutual  dllulls  are  well  known  :  But  ^ 
there  is  no  other  people  mentioned  in  hjftory,  that  I  recollca,  who 
have  been  fo  conllantly  watchful  of  their  liberty,  and  fo  fucccfsful 
in  their  ftruggles  for  it,  as  the  Engli/h.  This  confidcration  leads 
me  to  the  fecond  reafon,  why  I  ««  defire  that  the  fpirit  of  appre- 
henfion  may  be  always  kept  up  among  us  in  its  utmolt  vigilance." 

Thb  firrt  principles  of  government  are  to  be  looked  for  in 
human  nature.  Some  of  the  bell  writers  have  aflerted,  and  it 
feems  with  good  reafon,  that  "  government  is  founded  on  t  c/»- 
nion." 

Custom  undoubtedly  has  a  mighty  force  in  producing  opinion, 
and  reigns  in  nothing  more  arbitrarily  than  in  public  affairs.  It 
griidually  reconciles  us  to  objefts  even  of  dread  and  deteftation  ; 
and  I  cannot  but  think  thefe  lines  of  Mr.  Pcpe  as  applicable  to 
vice  in  politics,  as  to  vice  in  ethics, — 

"  Vice  is  a  monffer  of  fo  horrid  mien,. 

"  As  to  be  hated,  needs  but  to  be  feen  ; 

"  Yet  /fen  too  oft,  familiar  with  her  face, 

"  We  firft  endure,  then  pity,  then  embrace." 

When  an  a£l  injurious  to  freedom  has  been  once  done,  and  the 
people  bear  it,  the  repetition  of  it  is  moft  likely  to  meet  with/«^- 
mijjion.  ^  For  as  the  mijchief  of  the  one  was  found  to  be  tolerable, 
they  will  hope  that  of  the  fecond  will  prove  fo  too ;  and  they  will 
not  regard  the  infamy  of  the  lall,  becaufe  they  are  ilained  wiili  that 
of  the  firil. 

Indeed  nations,  in  general,  are  not  apt  to  think  until  t\\t\<  feel ; 
and  therefore  nations  in  general  have  loll  their  liberty  :  For  as 
violations  of  the  riglits  of  the  governed,  are  commonly  not  only 

H  2  fpeciius, 

X  "  Opinion  is  of  two  kinds,  vix.  efinion  of  la  r<!RisT,  and  cpinhti  of 
niGHT.  By  cphin  ef  itiitreft,  I  chiefly  underftand,  ite  finfe  of  the  puilir  ail. 
vantagt  lubicb  is  rtaptd  from  govetfimeni ;  tngethtr  with  the  perfuafion,  that  the 
particular  government  which  is  eftablilhed,  is  tquitUy  advtntagiaut  with  any 
other,  thai  coutdke  cafily  ftitUit." 

"  Right  h  of  two  kinds,  ri/rbl  to  ffwer,  and  right  to  prifnty.  What  pre- 
valence opimm  of  the  firft  kind  has  over  mankind,  may  eafily  be -.'ndiirftood,  by 
obferving  the  attachment  which  all  nations  have  to  their  antient  government, 
and  even  to  thofe  names  «hich  have  had   thi-    fanOiin  nf  antiquity.     Antiquitf 

tlivayt  higett  the  opinion  tf  riglt." "  It    is   fufticiently    undcrPood,  that  the 

epiniiin  ot  right  to  proptrtj,  ii  of  the  {teateft  moment  in  all  inattRfs  of  govern-  , 
nient."  Uumc'i  Ejj'ayi.  [ 


''=*****««6WW««*l'S!»»>i«!ll»«*/ 


•^''^vnimstammmiinm 


l;f;i 


ill:  I 


.  :»  I 


1  < 


ll 

"1        '; 

L. 
f 


f!  ; 


il  i 


Ml 

/  ■'■£ 


liiii 


[    60    ] 

•  /feeievs,  bot  >«//  at  the  beginning,  they  fpread  over  the  mul- 
titude in  fuch  a  manner,   as  to  touch  individuals  but  flightly. 
t  Thus  they  are  difrep-^ded.    The  power  or  profit  that  arifes  from 
thefe  violations,  ec  ering  in  ftvi  per/ons,  is  to  them  conliderable. 
For  this  reafon  x^^igwtrturs  having  in  view  their  particular  pur- 
pofes,  fucceffi'  ely  preferve  an  uniformity  of  cpnduA  for  attaining 
them.     They  regularly  mreafe  the  firft  injuries,  till  at  length  th» 
inattentive  people  are  col^elled  to  perceive  the  heavinefs  of  their 
burthens. — They  begin  to  complain  and  enquire — but  too  late. 
They  find  their  oppreffors  fo  llrengthened  by  fuccefs,  and  them- 
felves  fo  entangled  in  examples  of  exprefs  authority  on  the  part  of 
their  rulers,  and  of  tacit  recognition  on  their  own  part,  that  they 
are  quite  confounded  :  For  millions  entertain  no  other  idea  of  the 
Ugality  of  power,  than  that  it  is  founded  on  the  txtrcifi  of  (wwer. 
They  voluntarily  faften  their  chains,  by  adopting  a  pufillanimous 
tpinioit,  "  that  there  will  be  too  much  danger  in  attempting  a  re- 
medy,"  or  another  efinion  no  Icfs  fatal, "  that  the  govern- 
ment has  a  right  to  treat  them  as  it  does."    They  then  feek  a 
wretched  relief  for  their  minds,  by  perfuading  themfelves,  that  to- 
yield  their  ohtdientt,  is  to  difcharge  their  duty.     The  deplorable 
fvutrty  of /pint,  that  proftrates  all  the  dignity  beftowed  by  divine 
providence  on  our  nature — of  cour/e  fucceeds. 

From  thefe  refleftions  I  conclude,  that  every  free  ftate  Ihould 
inceffan'Jv  watch,  and  inftantly  take  alarm  on  any  addition  being 
made  to  the  power  extrcifed  over  them.  Innumerable  inftances 
might  be  produced  to  fhew,  from  what  flight  beginnings  the  moft 
extenfive  confequences  have  flowed :  But  I  fliall  feleft  two  only 
from  the  hiftory  of  England. 

Hen RV  the  Seventh  wis  the /(y?  monarch  of  that  kingdom, 
who  eftabliftied  a  standing  body  of  armed  men.  This  was  a 
band  of  fifty  archers,  called  yeomen  of  the  guard :  And  this  in- 
ftitution,  notwithftanding  the  fmallnefs  of  the  number,  _  was,  to 
prevent  difcontent,  ||  "  difguifed  under  pretence  of  majefty  and 
grandeur."    In  1684  the  ftanding  forces  were  fo  much  augmented, 

that 

*  Omnia  mala  cxempla  ex  bonis  initiii  orta  funt. 

Salluit.  Bttt.  Cat.  S.  JO. 

f  "  The  rtpubUc  it  always  aitatktd  with  greater  vigor,  than  it  is  difmdid  t 
for  the  tudacuHi  and  profiigttt,  prompted  by  their  natural  enmity  to  it,  are 
lafilj  imptUtd  to  z€k  hy  xhtlutft  Wot  their  leaditts  Whereas  the  honist,  I 
know  not  why,  ate  generally  _/fcw  and  ii«w>//«v  to  ftir ;  and  ii«^/«fl/fi^  always 
the  BEGINNINGS  of  things,  are  ntvtr  nufed  to  exert  themfelves,  but  by  the 
lafi  ntctffiiyt  So  that  through  i«««soti;TioN  and  delay,  when  they  would 
fee  glad  to  compound  at  laft  '.'  their  <i.ui«T,  at  the  expence  ev-n  of  their 
»!  >N0ii,  they  coiHmonly  left  tbtm  •otii."  Cicxao's  Orat.for  SxxTiui. 

Such  were  the  fentiments  of  this  f;eat  and  excellent  man,  whofe  vaft  abilities, 
and  the  calamities  of  his  country  during  his  time,  enabled  him,  by  mournful 
experience,  to  form  a  juft  judgmeat  on  thi  conduft  of  the  friends  and  (nemUi 
of  liberty. 

II  Rafint  Hiftory  of  England, 


jread  over  the  mul- 
iduals  but  flight]/, 
■oiit  that  arifes  from 
>  them  confiderable. 
Iieir  particular  pur- 
pndu£l  for  attaining 
s,  till  at  length  th* 
e  heavinefs  of  their 
uire — but  too  late. 
'  fuccefs,  and  them- 
ority  on  the  part  of 
own  part,  that  they 
no  other  idea  of  the 
le  ixtrtifi  of  power, 
ng  a  pufillanimous 

in  attempting  a  re- 
-"  that  the  govern- 
'    They  then  feek  a 

themfelves,  that  to- 
'y.  The  deplorable 
'  beftowed  by  divine 

ery  free  ftate  fliould 
1  any  addition  being 
numerable  inilances 
beginnings  the  moft 
[hall  felea  two  only 

h  of  that  kingdom, 
D  MEN.  This  was  a 
guard :  And  this  in- 
le  number,  was,  to 
tence  of  majefty  and 
fo  much  augmented, 
that 


r.  Btll.  Cat.  S.  JO. 
igor,  than  it  is  dtftndid  t 
atural  enmity  Co  it,  are 
Whereas  the  honi$t,  I 
ir ;  and  negUfiing  alwayt 
rt  themfelvei,  but  by  the 
tLAY,  when  they  would 
E  expence  ev°n  of  their 
o't  Orat.  for  Stxrivt, 
nan,  whofe  vaft  abilitiei, 
labled  him,  by  mournrul 
'  thefriendt  aad  cncmiti 


[   6i    ] 


that  Rafim  fays — •'  The  king,  in  order  to  make  his  peisple  /ullj 
ftnfibU  of  their  ne^M  Jlavery,  afFedled  i3  muftcr  his  troops,  which 
amounted  to  4000  well  armed  and  dii'ciplined  men."  I  think  our 
army,  at  this  time,  conflils  of  more  t\iz.n /eventy  regimen':s. 

THt  method  of  taxing  by  excise  was  firft  introduced  amidft 
the  convuliions  of  the  civil  wars.  Extreme  neceility  was  pretende>^ 
for  it,  and  its  fliort  continuance  promifed.  After  the  reftoration, 
an  excife  upon  beer,  ale  a:. J  other, liquors,  was  granted  to  the 
t  king,  one  half  in  fee,  the  other  for  life,  as  an  equivalent  for 
the  court  of  nvarJs.  Upon  Jamet  the  Second's  acceffion,  the  par- 
liament \  gave  him  the  firft  excife,  with  an  additional  duty  on  iJuiHe, 
tobacco,  and  fome  ether  things.  Since  the  revolution  it  has  been 
extended  to  fait,  candles,  leather,  hides,  hops,  foap,  paper,  pafte- 
boards,  mill-boards,  fcale-boards,  vellum,  parchment,  (larch,  filks, 
calicoes,  linens,  ftuifs,  printed,  ftained,  i3c.  wire,  wrought  plate, 
coffee^  tea,  chocolate,  (Sc. 

Thus  z.  JianJing  army  and  excife  have,  from  their  firft  flender 
origins,  tho'  always  hated,  alw&ys  feared,  always  eppofed,  at  length 
fwelled  up  to  their  vail  prefent  bulk. 

Thesl  fa£b  are  fufficient  to  fupport  what  I  have  faid.  'TIs 
true,  that  ail  the  mifchiefs  apprehended  by  our  ancellors  from  a 
fianding  army  and  excife,  have  not  yet  happened :  But  it  docs  not 
follow  from  thence,  that  they  <will  not  happen.  The  infide  of  a 
houfe  may  catch  fire,  and  the  moil  valuable  apartments  be  ruined, 
before  the  flames  burll  out.  The  queftion  in  thefc  cafes  is  not, 
what  evil  has  oEually  attended  particular  meafures — but,  what  evil, 
in  the  nature  of  things,  is  likely  to  attend  them.  Certain  circum- 
ftances  may  for  fome  time  delay  effefts,  that  'were  reafonably  exped- 
ed,  and  that  mufi  enfue.  There  was  a  long  period,  after  the  Ro- 
mans iiad  prorogued  his  command  to  *  ^  Puhlilius  Philo,  before 
that  example  deftroyed  their  liberty.  All  our  kings,  from  the  re- 
volution to  the  prefent  reign,  have  been  foreigners.  Their  minivers 
generally  continued  but  a  fhort  time  m  authority  t  i  and  they 
themfelves  were  mild  and  virtuous  princes. 

A  BOLD 

f  II  Cbar.  II.  Chap.  33  and  «4,  ,      '  | 

§  I  Jama  II,  Chap,  i  and  4. 

*  In  the  year  of  the  city  428,  "  Duo  Cngularia  hcc  el  viro  primum  con- 
tigere  ;  prorogatio  imperii  noa  ante  in  uUo  fafia,  ec  aAo  henore  triumphus." 
tiv.  B.  8.  Cbaf.  23.  a6. 

"  Had  the  reft  of  the  Rtman  citszeai  imitated  the  example  of  L.  ^i.>^('hi, 
whs  refufed  to  have  hit  coafiilfliip  continued  to  him,  they  had  never  admitted 
that  cullom  _  of  proroguing  of  magiftrates,  4iid  then  the  prolongation  of  their 
command!  in  the  army  had  never  been  introduced,  v/bieh  -vtry  thing  mat  at 
length  tbt  ruin  of  that  temmonvitalth."     MacbiavtVl  Dijnurftx,    '     ■^.  Chap.  %^.      \ 

I  I  dont  know  but  it  may  be  faid,  with  a  good  deal  ot  rcalon,  that  a  quick 
rotation  of  minifteri  ii  very  defirable  in  Great- Britain.  A  minifter  there  hat  11 
vaft  ftore  of  materials  to  work  with.  Long  adminijlrationt  are  rather  favorable  to 
the  rtftnaiiM  of  a  people  abroad,  than  tv  iheit  iiiirty. 


iWilfilStoiliM 


MMffMw 


*«««>w*«**4*m«iiftrti«!*j,«,,«,j,i^,,^^ 


!>'p^i>n>wyBl«*  ' 


\  ^^  1 


i  i 


[  62  ] 

A  BOLD,  iimbitious  prince,  poffeffcd  of  great  abilitiei,  firmly 
fxtd  in  his  throne  ^y  Jejcent,  ferved  by  minifitrt  like  him/elf,  and 
rendered  either  vmerahU  or  «rr/W<f  by  the  ^/ery  ofhis/uccejes,  may 
execute  what  his  predeceffors  did  not  dare  to  attempt.  Henry  the 
Fourth  tottered  in  his  feat  during  his  whole  reign.  Henry  the  Fifth 
drew  the  ftrcngth  of  that  kingdom  into  France,  to  carry  on  his  wars 
there,  and  left  the  comMons  at  home,  protefting,  "  that  the  people 
were  not  bound  to  ferve  out  of  the  realm." 
,  It  is  true,  that  a  ilrong  fpirit  of  liberty  fubfifts  at  prefent  in 
Great-Britain,  but  what  reliance  s  to  be  placed  in  the  temper  of  a 
people,  when  the  prince  is  poflefii  d  of  an  unconftitutional  power, 
our  own  hiftory  can  fufficiently  inform  us.  When  Charles  the  Se- 
cond had  ftrengthened  himfelf  by  the  return  of  the  garrifon  of 
Tangier,  "  E^nd  (fays  Rapin)  faw  on  a  fudden  an  amazing  re- 
volution ;  faw  herkU  Jlripped  of  all  her  rights  and  privileges,  except- 
ing fuch  as  the  king  Ihould  vouchfafe  to  grant  her :  And  what  is 
more  apnijhing,  the  Englijh  themfelves  delivered  up  thefe  very 
rights  and  privileges  to  Charles  the  Second,  which  they  had  (opaf- 
ftonately,  and,  if  I  may  fay  it,  furioujly  defended  againft  the  defigns 
of  Charles  the  Firft."  This  happened  only  thirty-fix  years  after 
this  laft  prince  had  been  beheaded. 

Some  perfons  are  of  opinion,  that  liberty  is  not  violated,  but 
by  fuch  open  afts  of  force ;  but  they  feem  to  be  greatly  miftaken.  I 
could  mention  a  period  within  thcfe  forty  years,  when  almoft  as  great, 
a  change  of  difpofition  was  produced  by  the  secret  meafures  of 
a  long  adminiftration,  as  by  Charles'^  violence.  Liberty,  perhaps, 
is  never  expofed  to  fo  much  danger,  as  when  the  people  believe 
there  is  the  leaft  j  for  it  may  be  fubverted,  and  yet  they  not  think  fo. 
Public  difgufting  afts  arc  fcldom  praftifed  by  the  ambitious, 
at  the  beginning  of  their  defigns.  Such  conduft  Jilences  and  dif- 
(ourages  the  weak,  and  the  wicked,  who  would  otherwife  have 
been  their  advocates  or  accomplices.  It  is  of  great  confequence,  to 
allow  thofe  who,  upon  any  account,  are  inclined  to  favor  them, 
fomething  fpecious  to  fay  in  their  defence.  Their  power  may  be 
fully  eftablilhed,  tho'  it  would  not  be  fafe  for  them  to  do  luhatever 
they  pledfe.  For  there  are  things,  which,  at  fome  times,  even 
flaijes  will  not  bear.  Julius  Ctcfar,  and  Oliver  Cromwell,  did  not 
dare  to  affume  the  title  of  king.  The  Grand  Seignor  dares  not  lay 
a  new  tax.  The  king  of  France  dares  not  be  a  protefiant.  Cer- 
tain popular  points  may  be  left  untouched,  and  yet  freedom  be  ex- 
tinguilhed.  The  commonalty  of  Venice  imagine  themfelves  free, 
becaufe  they  are  permitted  to  do  what  they  ought  not.  But  1 
quit  a  fubjeft,  that  would  lead  me  too  far  from  my  purpofe. 

By  the  late  aft  of  parliament,  taxes  are  to  be  levied  upon  us, 
for  "  defraying  the  charge  of  the  adminiftration  of  jujlice — the 
fupport  of  civil  government- — and  the  expence*  of  defending  his 
Majcfty's  dominions  in  America" 

If 


abilitiet,  firmly 
Ukt  himfelft  and 
bis /uccej/e$,  may 
npt.     Henry  the 

Henry  the  Fifth 
:arry  on  his  wars 

that  the  people 

[Is  at  prefent  in 
I  the  temper  of  a 
:itutional  power, 
Charles  the  Se- 
the  garrifon  of 
t  an  amazing  re- 
rivileges,  except- 
r:  And  what  is 
/  u/>  thefe  very 
they  had  (ofaf- 
rainll  the  dengns 
ty-^x  years  after 

lot  violated,  but 
atly  miftaken.  I 
:n  alnioft  as  great; 
RET  meafures  of 
aberty,  perhaps, 
e  people  believe 
:hey  not  think  fo. 
)y  the  ambitious, 
Jilences  and  dij- 
1  utherwife  have 
confequence,  to 
i  to  favor  them, 
:ir  power  may  be 
n  to  do  luhatever 
bme  times,  even 
Iromixiellf  did  not 
'nor  dares  not  lay 
frottftant.  Cei- 
et  freedom  be  ex- 
:  themfelves  free, 
ight  not.  But  1 
ly  purpofe. 
e  levied  upon  us, 
/  of  jujlice — the 
of  ilfjending  his 

If 


[   63   ] 

If  any  man   doubts  what  ought  to  be  the  conduft  of  thefe  co- 
lonies on  this  occafion,  I  would  a(k  him  thefe  queftions. 

Has  not  the  piarliament  exprefly  avowed  their  intention  of 
raifing  money  from  us  for  certain  purposes  ?  Is  not  this  fcheme 
popular  in  Great-Britain  ?  Will  the  taxes,  impofed  by  the  late  aft, 
an/wer  tho/e  purpe/es  ?  If  it  will,  muft  it  not  take  an  immenfe  fum 
from  us  ?  If  it  will  not,  is  it  to  he  expeffed,  that  the  parliament 
will  not  fully  execute  their  intention  when  it  is  pleafmg  at  heme, 
and  not  oppofed  here?  Muft  not  this  be  done  by  impofing  new 
taxes  ?  Will  not  every  addition,  thus  made  to  our  taxes,  be  an  ad- 
dition to  the  power  of  the  Britifl,  legiflature,  hy  increafing  the  num- 
ber of  officers  employed  in  the  colleftion  ?  Will  not  every  addition- 
al tax  therefore  render  it  more  difficult  to  abrogate  any  of  them  ? 
When  a  branch  of  revenue  is  once  eftabliflied,  does  it  not  appear 
to  many  people  invidious  and  undutiful,  to  attempt  to  abolifli  it  ? 
If  taxes,  fufficient  to  accompUJh  the  intention  of  the  parliament, 
are  impofed  by  the  parliament,  luhat  taxes  ixtill  remain  to  be  impo- 
fed by  our  affemblies  ?  If  ao  material  taxes  remain  to  be  impofed  by 
them,  what  muft  become  of  them,  and  the  people  they  reprefent  ? 

•  "  If  any  perfon  confiders  thefe  things,  and  yet  thinks  our 
liberties  are  in  no  danger,  I  wonder  a^  that  perfon's  fecurity." 

One  other  argument  is  to  be  added  , which,  by  itfelf,  i  hope,  will 
be  fufficient  to  convince  the  moft  incredulous  man  on  this  con- 
tinent, that  the  late  aft  of  parliament  is  only  defigned  to  be  a  pre- 
cedent, whereon  the  future  vaffalage  of  thefe  colonies  maybe 
eftablifhed.  ' 

Every  duty  thereby  laid  on  articles  of  Britifl>  manufafture,  is 
laid  on  fome  commodity,  upon  the  exportation  of  which  from 
Great-Britain,  a  draiuback  is  payable.  Thofe  drawbacks,  in  moft 
of  the  articles,  are  exaaly  double  to  the  duties  given  by  the  late  aft. 
The  parliament  therefore  might,  in  half  a  dozen  lines,  have  raifed 
MUCH  more  MONEY,  Only  hy  flopping  the  draiubacis  iii  xheYiAndu 
of  the  officers  at  home,  on  exportation  to  thefe  colonies,  than  by 
this  folemn  impofition  of  taxes  upon  us,  to  be  collefted  here.  Pro- 
hdhXf,  the  artful  contrivers  of  this  aft  formed  it  in  this  manner, 
m  order  to  referve  to  themfelves,  in  cafe  of  any  objeftions  being 
made  to  it,  this  fpecious  pretence-—"  that  the  drawbacks  are 
gifts  to  the  colonies,  and  that  the  late  aft  only  leffens  thofe  gifts." 
But  the  truth  is,  that  the  drawbacks  are  intended  for  the  encou- 
ragement  and  promotion  of  Briiijh  manufaftures  and  commerce, 
and  are  allowed  on  exportation  to  any  foreign  parts,  as  well  as  on 
exportation  to  thefe  provinces.  Befides,  care  has  been  taken  to 
Aide  into  the  aft,  fome  articles  on  which  there  are  no  drawbacks. 
However,  the  whole  duties  laid  by  the  late  aft  on  all  the  article* 
therein  fpecified  are  /o  /mall,  that  they  will  not  Amount  to  as  mucii 
a>  the  drawbacks  which  are  allowed  on  part  of  them  only.      If 

therefore, 

*   D»moftheiic«'t  it)  Philippic. 


•  if 


\ 


I 


-tr 


..■■irirMte>iiiii,,n,M^ai»aaiitew^, 


'^SfedEffi^t^^^^^  Bwi-  T'.'"w  ''•  ."rmwiffan^* 


,!;    ."} 


[  64  ] 

therefore,  tAe  /urn  u  bt  obtained  by  the  late  aft,  had  been  the  fdt 
3JS t  forming  it.  there  would  not  have  been  any  occafion  for 
'.•'the  COMMONS  oi  Great-Britain,  to  give  and  grant  to  his 
Maiefty  rates  and  duties  for  raiftng  a  revenue  in  h,s  Majefty  s 
jJiniL  in  America,  for  making  a  more  certain  and  adequate 
pZifion  for  defraying  the  charges  of  the  "d™"^^^'^^/, j"«\^.^^ 
the  fupport  of  civil  government,  and  the  expence  of  defending  the 
faid  dominions  ;"-nor  would  there  have  been  any  occafion  for  an 
t  expenfive  board  of  commiffioners,  and  all  the  other  new  charges 
to  which  we  are  made  liable.  ,   ,     ,         n 

Upon  the  whole,  for  my  part,  I  regard  the  late  aft  as  an  exfe- 
riment  made  of  our  difpojition.  It  is  a  bird  fent  out  over  the  wa- 
urtoiC  wheTh4;he  waves,  that  Y^ZTf^lutX^ 
of  the  world  withfuch  violence,  are  ^txfubfided.  If  *bu  ad've>^ 
turer  gets  footing  her«,  we  (hall  quickly  find  it  to  be  of  the 
X  kind  defcribed  by  the  poet. 

«  Infelix  votes."  '  .  . 

A  direful  foreteller  of  future  calamities. 

A    F  A  R  M  E  R. 

+  The  e«pMce  of  tbii  board,  1  am  informed,  it  1)etween  Four  »"<>  ^i^Thou- 
iJa  Poundi  Sterlin.  »  vear.  The  eftablifliment  of  officer.,  for  coUeftrng  the 
fand  P°7„^'j"'"«'J-„„;ed  before  to  Seven  Thoufand  Six  Hundred  Pouadi 
:;""1».  «d  ye't.  S;.""th1  auSof  of  »  The  regulation  of  .he  colonie.." 
^the  who  e  remitunce  from  »ll  the  taxe.  in  the  colonie.,  a.  an  ajerage  of  rA.rrj 
,«7.  ha.  not  amounted  to  One  Thoufand  Nine  Hundred  Pound,  a  ,^,  and 
{r/hatfum  Seven  or  Eight  Hundred  Pound,  ^r  «.»•«  only,  have  beea  ,e- 

"  Thl  Slil^ft^r^i-.  arifing  from  the  dutie.  in  ^rU..^*«-^^ 
that  they  were  intended  bnly  a.  «.o»tATioi..  or  t.a».  :  ^nd  can  .nj 
peJfon  be  f^  blind  to  truth,  fo  dull  of  apprehenfion  .n  a  matter  of  unfpeakab  e 
K"ta»ce  t.  hi.  country,  a.  to  imagine,  that  the  bo«dycomm.ffioBer.  lately 

.ftablUhed  at  fuch  a  chirge,  »  i"*"*""^  *"»  •®*  .'" '?"'^:;»w**?u*.T.,rIat 
Sw  Hundred  Pound.  V  year,  or  the  trifling  duties  impofed  by  the  late  aft  ? 
?„relyevefymanon«hi.c'onti'n««t«uft  perceive,  that  they  are  eftabl.lhed  fo, 
S^ecareof  •  niw  .y.t.m  or  ««vin»«,  which  u  but  now  begun. 
\  «  Dira  c«l«no,'*  Vt.  yirgil,  Mntid  3. 


LET- 


id  been  the  fiU 
iny  occafion  for 
GRANT  to  his 
•  I N  his  Majefty't 
,n  and  adequate 
ration  of  juftice, 
of  defending  the 
|r  occafion  for  an 
ther  new  charges 

e  aA  as  an  expt- 
at  over  the  wa- 
igitated  this  part 
.  If  this  advttt' 
it  to  be  of  the 


\  R  M  E  R. 


'our  and  Five  Thou- 
I,  for  collefting  the 
ItK  Hundred  Poundi 
n  of  the  coloniet," 
t  an  average  of  ibirtf 
Poundi  a  year,  and 
only,  have  been  te* 

\miriea,  demonftratM 
,BB  I  And  can  any 
itter  of  unlpeakable 
commiffioBert  lately 
^ng  One  Thoufand 
>fed  by  the  late  aft  i 
ly  are  eftabliflied  for 
:  now  begun. 


L  E  T- 


[    65    ] 
LETTER      XII. 

My  dear  Countrymen, 

SOME  ftates  have  loft  their  liberty  by  f  articular  accidents  ; 
But  this  calamity  is  generally  owing  to  the  decay  of  virtiu, 
A  people  is  travelling  faft  to  deftrudlion,  when  individuals 
confider  their  interefts  as  diftinA  from  thofe  of  the  public.  Such  no- 
tions are  fatal  to  their  country,  and  to  themfelves.  Yet  how  many 
are  there,  fo  weak  and  Jirdid  as  to  think  they  perform  all  the  offices 
of  life,  if  they  earneftly  endeavor  to  encreafe  their  own  luealtht 
power,  and  credit,  without  the  leaft  regard  for  the  fociety,  under 
the  proteftion  of  which  they  live;  who,  if  they  can  make  an  im- 
mediate profit  to  themfelves,  by  lending  their  affiftance  to  thofe,  whofe 
projefts  plainly  tend  to  the  injury  of  their  country,  rejoice  in  theJF 
dexterity,  and  believe  themfelves  entitled  to  the  charafter  of  able 
politicians.  Miferable  men !  Of  whom  it  is  hard  to  fay,  whether 
they  ought  to  be  moft  the  objefts  oi  pity  or  contempt :  But  whofe 
opinions  are  certainly  as  deteftable,  as  their  praftices  are  defiruaive. 
Tho*  I  always  refleft,  with  a  high  pleafure,  on  the  integrity 
and  underftanding  of  my  countrymen,  which,  joined  with  a  pure 
and  humble  devotion  to  the  great  and  gracious  author  of  every 
bleffing  they  enjoy,  twill,  I  hope,  enfure  to  them,  and  their  pofte- 
rity,  all  temporal  and  eternal  happinefs ;  yet  when  I  confider,  that 
in  every  age  and  country  there  have  been  bad  men,  my  heart,  at 
this  threatening  period,  is  fo  full  of  apprehenfion^  as  not  to  permit 
me  to  believe,  but  that  there  may  be  fome  on  this  continent, 
againfl  whom  you  ought  to  be  upon  your  guard-'-Men,  who  either  • 

I  hold, 

*  It  it  not  intended,  by  thefe  wordi,  to  throw  any  refleftion  upon  gentlemen, 
becaufe  they  are  pofTefled  of  officei :  For  many  of  them  are  certainly  men  of 
virtue,  and  lovera  of  their  country.  But  fuppofed  obligation!  of  graiitiuli,  and 
htnor,  may  induce  them  to  be  filent.  Whether  thefe  obligation*  ougbi  to  it  re- 
garded or  nut,  is  not  fo  much  to  be  cpnfidetfed  by  others,  in  the  judgment  ther 
form  of  thefe  gentlemen,  as  whether  tbty  think  they  ought  to  be  regarded.  Per- 
li"?",.  therefore,  we  fliall  aft  in  the  propeieft  manner  towards  them,  if  we  nei- 


ther  rMoaeb  nor  imiiatt  them.  The  perfons  meant  in  this  letter,  are  the  bafi 
ffiritid  ivrttchei,  who  majf  ^it^m  to  diflingui/i  thmfthn,  by  their  fordid  seal 
in  defendipv  and  p mmoting  meafures,  which  thtj  kntw,  btytnd  all  quifiitti,  to  be 

deSruflive  to  the  tu/I  rlrlili  anil  >ra«  »>»•/>•  nf  thair  rniintru.       Ir  i*  ro.....l» r 


defiruaive  to  tbejuft  rights  »nA  true  intinfit  of  their  country.    It  is  fcarcely  pof- 

fible  to  fpealc  of  tbifi  men  with  any  degree  of  f  alienee It  is  fcarcely  poflible  to 

fpeak  of  them  with  any  degree  of  froprieif For  no  words  can  truly  defcribe 

tbeit  guilt  and  meann.Js — But  every  honeft  bofom,  on  their  being  mentioned, 
will^»/  what  cannot  be  txprtjftd. 

If  their  wiclcednefs  did  not  blind  them,  they  might  perceive  along  the  coaft 
of  thefe  colonies,  many  men,  remvkable  inftances  of  wrecked  ambition,  who 
after  dtfiinguijbing  tbttnfelvit  in  the  fupport  of  the  Sttrnp-AS,  by  a  courageous 
contempt  of  their  country,  and  of  juftice,  have  been  left  te  linger  out  their 

mifiirablr 


rflitMtriWllinin-i-lfUliBitj, 


-'••niim.mtmviintfiv'mi'r'' 


[    66    ] 


•1   r, . 


;|i 


hi 


>!  >i       t  III 


hold,  or  rxpe£l  to  hold  certain  advantages,  by  fetting  examples  of 
fervility  to  their  countrymen. — Mwi,  who  trained  to  the  employ- 
ment, or  felf  taught  by  a  natural  verfatility  of  genius,  ferve  as 
decoys  for  drawing  the  innocent  and  unwary  into  fnares.  It  is  not 
to  be  doubted  but  that  fuch  men  will  diligently  beftir  themfelves 
on  this  and  every  like  occafion,  to  fprcad  the  infeAion  of  their 
meannefj  us  far  as  they  can.  On  the  plans  iJbey  have  adopted,  thic 
is  their  courfe.  This  is  the  method  to  recommend  themfelves  to 
their  patrons.  ^ 

From  tiem  we  fhall  learn,  how  flea/ani  and  frofimhlt  a  thiiig  it 
is,  to  be  for  our  submissive  behavior  ivtllffokin  tfm  St.  Jamts't, 
or  St.  Stephen's ;  at  Guildhall,  or  the  RoyiU  Excbauge.  Specious 
fallacies  will  be  dreft  up  with  all  the  arts  of  deUifion,  to  perfuade 
one  colony  to  diftinguijh  her/elf  from  another,  by  unbecoming  con- 
defcenfions,  tvhich  luill  /trve  the  amhititus  furpoj'es  of  great  men  at 
home,  and  therefore  will  be  thought  by  them  to  entitle  their  ajifiants 
in  obtaining  them  to  confiderable  rewards. 

Our  fears  will  be  excited.  Our  hopes  will  be  awakened.  It 
will  be  infinuated  to  us,  with  a  plaufible  affeftation  of  ixitfdtm  and 

concern,  how  prudent  it  is  to  pleafe  the  powerful how  dangtrotu 

tc  provoke  them — and  then  comes  in  the  perpetual  incantation 
that  freezes  up  every  generous  purpofe  of  the  foul  in  cold,  inadlive 
expedation — <*  that  if  there  is  any  requeft  to  be  made,  compliance 
will  obtain  a  favorable  attention." 

Our  'Vigilance  und  oar  union  ixe  fuccefs  i,Dd  fafety.     Our  iiegli-. 

gence  and  our  dimifion  are  dijirefs  and  death.     They  are  nutrft 

They  are  Jhamt  and  Jlavery.     Let  us  equally  fliun  the  bcauQibing 

ftillncS 

fniferable  exifttnce,  without  a  government,  colleAorfhip,  fecrctiryiiip,  or  any 
other  commiflion,  to  conCole  them  at  vieil  at  it  auU,  for  lofi  of  virtue  and  re- 
putation——while  nunberlefi  office!  have  been  bellowed  in  thefr  coloaiet  on 
people  from  Criat-Bruain,  and  new  ones  are  continually  invented,  to  be  thus 
beftowed.  At  a  fno piat  pritat  are  put  into  a  lottery  to  tim?t  mttililndtt  it 
hje,  fo  bert  and  thtrt  an  Amiricaa  has  been  raifed  to  a  good  poft.— — 

"  Appartnt  rari  nantet  in  gitrgite  va/li." 
Mr.  Grtewoillt,  indeed,  in  order  to  recommend  the  Statip-AH,  had  the  utiimtat' 
led  generofity,  to  pour  down  a  goldeD  tfiower  of  offices  upon  Antric^m  i  and 
yet  thefe  ungraitful  colonies  did  ni '  thank  Mr.  Gntitvillt  for  (hewing  his  kind- 
nefs  to  their  countrymen,  nor  tbtm  for  accepting  it.  Hfow  muft  that  grut 
ftatefman  have  been  furprited,  to  find,  that  the  unpoliflied  colonies  could  slot 
be  reconciled  to  infany  by  iretchety  t  Such  a  ttuntifut  difpofition  towards  nt 
never  appeared  in  any  miniiter  before  him,  and  probably  never  will  appear 
•again :  For  it  is  tvi4tnt,  thtxfucb  a  fjftm  of  policv  is  to  be  eftabllflicd  m  this 
continent,  as,  in  a  fhort  time,  is  to  render  it  utterly  unneceflary  to  uf«  thff  laaft 
*ft  in  order  xo  cemiliate  our  approbation  of  any  meafares.  Some  of  our  coufl- 
trymen  may  be  employed  to  fx  chains  upon  us,  but  tbn  will  never  be  per- 
mitted to  bolJ  them  afterwards.  So  that  the  utmoft,  that  any  of  them  caa 
expe£l,  is  only  a  ttm/nrart  frwifian,  that  a>«y  expire  in  their  own  time  (  but 
which,  they  may  htajfund,  will  preclude  their  children  from  having  any  confi- 
deration  paid  to  <iEiniv.  Nativxs  of  America  muft  fink  into  total  niolict 
and  CONTEMPT,  the  moment  that  THti*  covNTitv  lofes'thc  cunllitutional 
powers  (he  now  polTeflrs, 


ng  examples  of 
to  the  employ- 
'cnius,  ferve  as 
lares.  It  is  not 
teftir  themfelves 
ifeAion  of  their 
ve  adopted,  this 
,d  theuuelves  to 

Ugili  a  thing  it 
ifax  St.  Jams'*, 
7ange.  Specioud 
ion,  to  perfuade 
inbe(X)ming  con- 
>s  of  great  men  at 
itlt  thiir  aMants 


le  awakened.  It 
m  of  lut/dam  and 
— how  dangtroui 
etual  incantation 
in  cold,  inactive 
lade,  compliance 

\ftty.  Out  Mtgli- 
My  are  vmjt — 
in  the  beaiunbing 
(BUneU 

fecrctaryiiip,  or  any 
loft  of  vinue  and  re* 
in  thefc  colonies  on 
invented,  to  be  thus 
CM?T  muhiiuJa  t» 
poft.— - 

Ad,  had  the  uiuqual- 
ipon  Amiritfui  i  and 
or  Aewing  his  fcind- 
W  muft  that  grtat 
colonies  could  aoC 
fpofition  towards  «> 
y  never  will  appear 
e  eftabliflicd  on  this 
:e(tary  to  ufe  thtf  loaft 
Some  of  our  co«a« 
will  never  be  per* 
at  any  of  tbem  ca* 
their  own  time  {  but 
>m  having  any  confi* 
nto  total  MiOLSCT 
fei'thc  cunftitutional 


i      67     ] 

ilillnefs  of  cwrwuetniHg  Jloth,  and  the  feverilh  adivity  of  that  iU 
inftrmtd  ztal,  which  Duties  itfelf  in  maintaining  little,  mean  and 
uarroTM  opinions.  Let  us,  with  a  truly  wife  generofit^  and  charity, 
baniih  and  difcourage  all  iUibtral  diftinaions,  which  may  arife 
from  differences  xvi  fituatian,  forms  oi gwernment,  or  modes  of  reli- 
gion. Let  us  confider  ourfelves  as  men — frebmbn — christian 
PRBEMEN — -Jiparattd /rem  the  reft  of  the  world,  ind  jflrmly  hound 
together  by  tiu /ame  rights,  interefts  and  dangers.  Let  theje  keep 
oui  '^tention  inflexibly  fixed  on  the  great  objects,  v/hich  we 
muft  CONTINUALLY  REGARD,  in  Order  Xa  prefemie  thoj'e  rights,  to 
promote  thofe  interefts,  and  to  avert  tho/e  dangers. 

Let  thefe  truths  be  indelibly  impreflcd  on  our  minds — that  tut 

eanuat  he  HAPPr,  without  heing  FREE that  we  cannot  be  free, 

tviihout  heing  fecure  in  our  property — that  'we  cannot  be  fecure  in 
our  property,  if,  luithout  our  confent,  others  may,  as  by  right,  take 

it  away that  taxes  impofed  on  us  iy  parliament,  do  thus  take  it 

away that  duties  laid  for  the  fole  purpofe  of  raifing  money,    are 

taxes that  attempts  to  lay  fuch  duties />«;//(/  be  infianily  aud  Jir.-nly 

tppofed — that  this  oppofition  can  never  be  effeclual,  unlefs  it  is  the 
united  effort  of  thefe  provinces — that  therefore  benevoi.ekce  of 
tfmper  towards  each  other,  zni  vkanimity  of  counfels,  are  eflential 
to  the  welfare  of  the  whole — and  laftly,  that  for  this  reafon,  every 
man  amongft  us,  who  in  any  manner  would  encourage  either  dif- 
fenfion,  diffidence,  or  indifference,  between  thefe  colonies,  is  an  ene- 
my to  himfelf,  and  to  his  country. 

The  belief  of  thefe  truths,  I  verily  think,  my  countrymen,  is 
indifpenfably  neceflary  to  your  happinefs,    I  befeech  you,  there- 
fore, f , "  teach  them  diligently  unto  your  children,  and  talk  of 
them  when  you  fif  in  your  houfes,  and  when  you  walk  by  the  way, 
,  and  when  you  lie  down,  and  when  you  rife  uu." 

What  have  thefe  colonies  to  afi,  while  they  continue  free? 
Or  what  have'  they  to  dread,  but  infidious    attempts  to   fubvcrt 
their  freedom  ?  Their  profperity  does  not  depend  on  minifierial  fa- 
vors doled  but  to  particular  -provinces.    They  form  one  political  body, 
of  which  each  colony  is  a  member.    Their  happinefs  is  founded  on  their  \^ 
(onflitutioH ;  and  is  to  be  promoted,  by  preferving  that   conditu-  {1 
tion  in  unabated  vigor,  throughout  every  part.     A  fpot,  a  fpcck  of  ' 
decay,  however  fmall  the  limb  on  which  it  appears,  and  however  , 
remote  it  may  feera  from  the  vitals,  fliould   be  alainiin^.     We  i 
have  all  the  rights  requifite  for  our  profperity.     The  legal  authority 
of  Great-Britain  may  indeed  lay  hard  reilridlions  upon  us  j  but, 
like  the  fpear  of  Telephus,  it  will  cure  as  well  as  wound.     Her  un- 
kindnefs  v/ill  inftrufl  and  compel  us,  after  fdme  time,  to  difcovor, 
in  our  indufiry  and  frugality,  furprifing  rcnudies — if  our  rights 
eontittue  unviolated :  For  as  long  as  the  products  of  our  hd-rir,  and 

1  a  i  the 

\  Oeutcion.  vi.  7. 


i  {Hi 


t    68    ] 

the  ftivarJs  of  our  eare,  can  properly  be  called  our  own,  fo  lone  it 
will  be  worth  our  while  to  be  induftrious  and  fruf^al.  But  if  when 
we  plow— fow— reap— gather— and  threfti— we  hnd,  that  we  dIow 

...fow reap — gather— and  threfli/«r  ethtn,  whofe  PLEASURE 

is  to  be  the  SOLE  LIMITATION  *«w  much  they  fhall  take, 
and  hanu  much  they  (hall  leave,  why  ftiould  we  repeat  the  unpro- 
fitable toil  ?  Hor/es  ahd  oxen  are  content  with  that  portion  of  the 
fruits  of  their  wdri,  which  their  e^u/ners  aflign  them,  in  order  to 
keep  them  ftrong  enough  to  raife  fucceflive  crops ;  but  even  thefe 
beafts  will  not  fubmit  to  draw  for  tht  mafitrs,  until  they  are  fub- 
dued  by  vihips  and  goads. 

Let  us  take  care  of  our  rights,  and  we  therein  take  care  of  our 
prosperity.  •"SLAVERY  IS  EVER  PRECEDED 
BY  SLEEP."  Individuals  may  be  dependent  on  minifters,  if 
they  pleafe.  States  should  scorn  it; — -and  '\i you  are  not 
wanting  to  yourfelws,  you  will  have  a  proper  regard  paid  you  by 
thofe,  to  whom  if  you  are  not  rejpefiable,  you  will  be  contemptible. 

But if  lue  have  already  forgot  the  rea/ons  that  urged  us, 

with  unexampled  unanimity,  to  exert  ourfclves  two  years  ago— -if 
our  zeal  for  tne  public  good  is  worn  out  before  the  home/pun  chaths, 
Vhich  it  caufed  us  to  have  made— -if  our  re/olutions  are  Jo  faint,  as 
by  our  prefent  conduft  to  condemn  our  own  [aXe  fuciefsful  example — 
if  vie  are  not  affeaed  by  any  reverence  for  the  memory  of  our  an- 
ceftors,  who  tranfmitted  to  us  that  freedom  in  which  they  had  been 

bleft if  we  are  not  animated  by  any   regard  for  pofterity,    to 

whom,  by  the  moft  facred  obligations,  we  are  bound  to  deliver 
down  the  invaluable  inheritance- — then,  indeed,  zi\y  minifter- — 
or  any  tool  oi  a  minifter- — or  any  creature  of  a  tool  of  a  minifter 
- — or  any  lower  f  inftrument  of  X  adminiftration,  if  lower  there  be, 
is  a  perfonage  whom  it  may  be  dangerous  to  oft'end. 

I  SHALL 

•  Monteffuitu'i  Spirit  of  Lavn,  Book  14,  Chap.  Ij. 

+  ♦«  Initrumeiitaregni."    Tacitut't  Ana.  Botk  it,  %  66.  .     ,    « 

1  If  any  perfon  AMI  imagine  that  he  difcovers,  m  thefe  lettert,  the  leaft 
dijlike  of  the  dependence  of  thefe  coloniei  on  GrM-Britain,  I  beg  that  fuch 
perfon  wiU  not  form  any  judgment  on  ferlUuhr  txfrtjfmt,  but  will  confider  the 
tttitr  of  all  tie  litters  takin  iKgtihtr.  In  that  cafe,  I  flatter  myfelf,  that  every 
unprejudiced  reader  will  be  ccnvinetd,  that  the  true  interelh  of  Greal-Britam 
are  as  dear  to  me,  ai  they  ought  to  be  to  every  good  fubjeft. 

if  I  am  an  Entbufitft  in  any  thing,  it  \»  in  my  aeal  for  ihc  ptrfttual  defendttice 
of  thefe  colonies  on  their  mother  country.— A  dependence  founded  on  mutual 
tetieJSis,  the  continuance  of  which  can  be  fecured  only  by  mulual  'ff'tljcn'- 
Therefore  it  i»,  that  with  extreme  apprehenfion  1  view  the  fmalleft  feeds  of  dif- 
content,  which  are  unwarily  fcattered  abroad.  Fi/ly  or  Sixty  years  will  make 
artonifliing  alterations  in  thefe  colonies  j  and  this  confideration  fliould  render  it 
the  bufinefs  of  Grat-Britain  more  and  more  to  cultivate  our  good  difpofitions 
towards  her  ;  But  the  misfortune  is,  that  thofe  gnat  mii>,  who  are  wreltling  for 
power  at  home,  think  themfelves  very  flightly  interefted  in  the  profperity  of 
their  country  Fifty  or  Sixty  years  hence,  but  are  deeply  concerned  in  blowing  up 
a  popular  clamor  ^r  fuppofed  immtdiatt  advantages. 


r 


i|M«iiM«l|         ' 


ewft,  (o  long  it 
/.  But  if  when 
d,  that  we  plow 
PLEASURE 
they  (hall  taie, 
peat  the  unpro> 
at  portion  of  tbi 
em,  in  order  to 
[  but  even  theft 
til  they  are  fub- 

take  care  of  our 
RECEDED 
>n  minifters,  if 
I  '\i  you  are  not 
xrd  paid  you  by 
1  be  contemptible. 
It  that  urged  us, 

0  years  ago — if 
home/pun  cloaths, 
are  Jo  faint,  as 

efsful  example — 
mory  of  our  an- 
;h  they  had  been 
!br  pofterity,  to 
)ound  to  deliver 
,  any  minifter — 

01  of  a  minifter 
■  lower  there  be, 
J. 

I  SHALL 


sfe  letters,  the  leaft 
tin,  I  beg  that  fuch 
but  will  confider  the 
'  myfelf,  that  every 
efts  of  Creal-Brilam 

le  ptrfnual  dependinci 
:e  founded  on  mutual 
by  mutual  affeBmt. 
fmalleft  feeds  of  dif- 
ixty  years  will  make 
tion  fliould  render  it 
>ur  good  difpofitions 
vho  are  wreitling  for 
in  the  profperity  of 
:erned  in  blowing  up 

Tor 


t      69      ] 

I  sHAlL  be  extremeljr  forry,  if  any  man  miftakei  my  meaning 
in  any  thine  I  hare  faid.  Officer*  employed  by  the  crown,  are, 
while  according  to  the  laws  they  conduA  themfelves,  entitled  to 
legal  obedience,  and  fincere  refpeA.  Thefe  it  is  a  duty  to  render 
them  ;  and  thefe  no  good  or  prudent  perfon  will  withhold.  But 
when  thefe  officers,  thro'  ralhnefs  or  defign,  defire  to  enlarge  their 
authority  beyond  its  due  limits,  and  expert  improper  conceffions  to 
be  made  to  them,  from  regard  for  the  employments  they  bear, 
their  attempts  fliould  be  confidered  ta  equal  injuries  to  the  crown 
and  people,  and  fhould  be  courageoufly  and  conilantly  oppofed. 
To  fufFer  our  iHeas  to  be  confounded  by  namii  on  fuch  occafiont, 
would  certainly  be  an  intxcufabh  nueaktuft,  and  probably  an  irri- 
mtdiablt  error. 

AVe  have  reafon  to  believe,  that  feveral  of  his  Majefty's  ptefent 
minifters  are  good  men,  and  friends  to  our  country ;  and  it  fcem» 
not  unlikely,  that  by  a  particular  concurrence  of  events,  we  have 
been  treated  a  little  more  feverely  than  they  wilhed  we  ihould  be. 
They  might  not  think  it  prudent  to  ftem  a  torrent.  But  what  is 
the  diffiirence  to  us,  whether  arbitrary  afts  take  their  rife  from 
minifters,  or  are  permitted  by  them  ?  Ought  any  point  to  be  allow- 
ed to  •  a  good  minifter,  that  fhould  be  denied  to  a  bad  one  ?  The 

mortality  of  minifters,  is  a  very  frail  mortality.     A may 

fucceed  a  Hhelburnt — A may  fucceed  a  Comuay. 

Wi 

For  my  part,  \  rrgard  GriaLBritalu  as  a  Buhoark,  happily  filed  between  thefe 
colonies  and  the  powerful  nations  of  Europe.  That  kingdom  remaining  faf^ 
we,  under  its  proteftion,  enjoying  peace,  may  diffufe  the  bleflings  of  religion, 
fcience,  and  liberty,  thro'  remote  wilderncfles.  It  is  therefore  inconteftablv 
our  duty,  and  our  interefl,  to  fupport  the  ftrength  of  Great-Britain.  When  con- 
fiding  m  that  ftrength,'  die  begins  to  forget  from  whence  it  arofe,  it  will  beaa 
eafy  thing  to  fliew  the  fource.  She  may  readily  be  reminded  of  the  loud  alarm 
fpread  among  her  merchants  and  tradefmen,  by  the  univerfal  aflociation  of 
thefe  colonies,  at  the  time  of  th",  Stamp-Mi,  not  to  import  any  of  her  ma- 

NUFACTUHES. 

In  the  year  1718,  the  kuffant  and  5ti;f</M  entered  into  an  agreement,  not  to 
(utter  Great-Britain  to  export  any  naval  store!  from  their  dominions  but 
in  Ru^ffian  or  Sviedijb  ftips,  and  at  their  own  prices.  Great-Britain  was  diftre£* 
fed.  Pitch  tnd  tar  rofe  to  Three  Poundi  a  barrel.  At  length  Ihe  thought  of 
getting  thefe  articles  from  the  colonies  ;  and  the  attempt  fucceeding,  they  fell 
down  to  Fifteen  Shi/lings.  In  the  year  1756,  Great-Britain  was  threatened  with 
an  invafion.  An  eafterly  wind  blowing  for  fix  weeks,  Ihe  could  not  man  her 
fieet,  and  the  whole  nation  was  thrown  into  the  utmoft  confternatton.  Th« 
wind  changed.  The  American  Ihips  arrived.  The  fleet  failed  in  ten  or  fifteen 
days.  There  are  fome  other  reflexions  on  this  fubjeft,  worthy  of  the  moft  de- 
liberate attention  of  the  Britijh  parliament ;  but  thev  are  of  fuch  a  nature, 
that  I  do  not  choofe  to  mention  them  publicly.  I  thought  it  my  duty,  in  the 
year  1765,  while  the  Stamp-Aa  was  in  fufpence,  to  write  my  (entiments  to  a 
.gentleman  of  great  influence  at  home,  who  afterwards  diftinguiflied  himfelf,  ly 
efpoufing  our  caufe,  in  the  debates  concerning  the  repeal  of  that  aft. 

•  Ubi  impetium  ad  ignaros  aut  minus  bonos  pervenit ;  nDvum  illud  txtmph 
ab  dignis  &  iduncis,  ad  indignos  &  non  idoneos  iransfertur. 

Sail.  Bell.  Cat.  %  50. 


'Mi*ni»iii«'«i»i,iiiii, 


'I  I 


7 


I   !, 


''   I 


;  ()( 


im 


yniiij<n>»»iin  in<i» 


s  (    7^    ] 

W«  6nA  a  new  kin4  qf  mintfter  lately  ^P^kf;"  ^'^  "^  Jt't"''^ 

"  Tub  ministbr  or  ithb  hovsb  of  commohs."  T^c  term 
foemt  itp  have  peculiar  p«r«pri«ty  wh«<i.rcf<;rre4'to  thefe  colonies, 
Hvitit  a  tiiffirMt  mt0niHg  annexe//  u  it,  from  t)|at  in  whiqh  it  is  taken 
ikere.  By  ikie  wturd  "  vuniOwr "  we  may  un<lerlland  not  only  a 
Jiiminut  tftke  <rtiwh  but  a  m««  «/*  influtnu  :^mong  the  commons, 
whoiregarti  :thein(elves  ,a«  l^iving  a  (hare  in  the  yo'u<''«>AO', over  us. 
The  "  mbiiftcr  o>f  the  hpuie  "  may,  in  a  point  refpeCling  the  co- 
lonies, be  in  ftf9Dg,  t)>»f  'the  miniilcr  pf  t)ie  crown  <m  the  houfe, 
if  he  ia  a  diAinft  perfon,  may  nor  choofe,  even  where  his  fenti- 
ments  are  fovQrablc  to  us,  to  itpiqc  to  a  pitched  bfit^e  upon  our 
account.  For  tho*  I  have  the  .higheft  opinion  of  the  deference  of 
the  houfe  for  the  King's  minifter,  yet  he  may  be  fo  good  natured, 
as  not  to  put  it  to  the  teft,<«xcept  it  be  for  the  mere  and  immediate 
profit  (^  his  mailer  or  himfelf- 

But  whatever  kind  of  mnifier  be  is,  that  attempts  to  innovate 
a  Jingle  iota  in  the  privileges  of  thefe  .colonies,  him  I  hope  you 
will  undauntedly  »pf«fe ;  and  that  you  will  never  fuffer  yourfelves  to 
be  either  cheated  or  frightened  into  any  lurwerthj  objequioujMjs.  On 
fuch  emergencies  you  may  furely,  without  prefumption,  believe, 
that  ALMIGHTY  GOD  himfelf  will  look  down  upon  your 
righteous  conteft  with  gracious  approbation.  You  will  Ihe  a 
"  hand  of  brothers"  cemented  by  the  deareft  ties, — and  ftrength- 
ened  with  inconceivable  fupplies  of  force  and  conftancy,  by  that 
fympathetic  ardor,  which  animates  good  men,  confederated  in  a 
good  caufe.  Your  honor  and  •welfare  will  be,  as  they  now  are,  moft 
mtiihately  concerned  ;  and  befides — -you  are  affigned  hy  divine  pro- 
vidence, in  the  appointed  order  of  things,  the  protestors  of  unborn 
Ages,  whofe  fate  depends  upon  your  virtue.  Whether  they  fliall 
ariie  the  generous  and  indifputablt  heirs  .of  the  nobleft  patrimonies, 
or  the  dafimrdly  and  hereditary  drudges  of  imperious  taflc-mafters, 

you    MVST     DETERMINB. 

To  difcharge  this  double  duty  to  yourfelves,  and  to  yom  pofleriiy, 
you  have  nothing  to  do,  but  to  call  forth  into  ufe  the  good  feufe 
and  f^rit  of  which  you  are  poffefled.  You  have  nothing  to  do, 
but  to  conduft  your  affairs  peaceably — -prudently — -firmly — -jointly. 
By  thefe  nuans  you  will  fupport  the  charafter  oi  freemen,  without 
lofing  that  oi  faithful  fubjeas—-3L  good  charafter  in  any  govern- 
ment— one  of  the  beft  under  a  Britiflt  government You  will 

prove,  that  Americans  have  that  true  magnanimity  of  foul,  that  can 
refent  injuries,  without  falling  into  rage  ;  and  that  tho*  your 
devotion  to  Great-Britain  is  the  moft  affedlionate,  yet  you  can 
make  proper  distinctions,  and  know  what  you  owe  to  your- 
felves, as  well  as  to  her — You  will,  at  the  fame  time  that  you  ad- 
vance your  interefis,  advance  your  reputation — You  will  convince 
the  world  of  the  Jujlice  of  your  demands,  and  the  purity  of  your 
intentions. — While  all  mankind  muft,  with  unceafing  applaufes,  con- 

fefs. 


•~-*-  ,— -T-i»». 


in-- 


of  *t  lyome 

s."  The  term 
u  Utefe  colonies, 
ivhic;h  it  is  taken 
and  not  only  a 
kg  the  commons, 
jertigtKji  ,ovtr  us. 
fpe«ing  the  co- 
wn  in  ute  houfe, 
where  his  fenti- 
battjle  upon  our 
the  deference  of 
fo  good  natured, 
e  and  immediate 

npts  to  innovate 
him  I  hope  you 
ffer  yourfelves  to 
tjtquioujnejs.  On 
mption,  believe, 
down  upon  your 
You  will  he  a 
, — and  ftrength- 
Dnftancy,  by  that 
onfederated  in  a 
liey  now  are,  moll 
ned  hy  di-vine  prt- 
■eteflors  of  unlnrtt 
Whether  thty  (hall 
bled  patrimonies, 
ious  taflc-mafters, 

1  to  your  pofterity, 
ufe  the  good  fenft 
-e  nothing  to  do, 
—firmly— jointly, 
■freemen,  without 
er  in  any  govern- 
nent.- — You  will 

of  foul,  that  can 
d  that  tho'  your 
ate,    yet  you  can 

you  owe  to  your- 
time  that  you  ad- 
You  will  convince 
the  purity  of  your 
,ng  applaufes,  con- 
fefs. 


[    7'    ] 

fcfs,  that  YOU  indeed  deskrve  liberty,  who  ^o-well  uudtrjiund  it, 
fo  fajftonattly  low  it,  fo  r„„perately  enjoy  it,  and  fo  lui/ely,  iravefy, 
and  virtuoujh   a£ert,  mumtain,  and  defen4  it. 

«•  Certe  ego  libertatem,  qua  miki  a  parente  meo  tradita  efl,  exptriur  : 
Verum  id  frujira  an  ob  rem  faciam,  in  vejira  manu  fttum  tjl^ 
quirites."  \ 

For  my  part,  I  am  refolved  to  contend  for  the  liberty  delivered 
down  to  me  by  my  anceftors ;  but  whether  I  (half  do  it  cf- 
fettually  or  not,  depends  on  you,  my  countrymen.  | 

"  How  little  foever  one  is  able  to  write,  yet  when  the  liber- 
ties of  one's  country  are  threatened,  it  is  ftill  more  difficult 
to  be  filent."  , 

A    F  A  R  M  E  R.      ' 

Is  there  not  the  ftron|eft  probability,  that  if  the  univerfal 
fenfe  of  thefe  colonies  is  immediately  expreiTed  by  resolves  of 
the  a(remblies,  in  fupport  of  their  rights,  by  instructions  to 
their  agents  on  the  fubjeft,  and  by  petitions  to  the  crown  and 
parliament  for  redrefs,  thefe  meafures  will  have  the  fame  fuccefs 
now,  that  they  had  in  the  time  of  the  Stamp- Ja. 


the   END. 


..■  .\ 


■'■««l«H*W>iU*(M^^ 


•0dmm 


'><*lrill»lM,i,i,.^>.., 


